Felix Dodds Felix Dodds is an independent consultant focusing on stakeholder engagement in the sustainable development process. He is also a current Associate Fellow at the Tellus Institute. Prior to these roles, he served as Executive Director of the Stakeholder Forum for a Sustainable Future and has been active at the UN since 1990, having attended a myriad of World Summits. He has also participated in all UN Commissions for Sustainable Development and UNEP Governing Councils; and has chaired the 64th UN DPI NGO Conference on Sustainable Development. Additionally, he is a member of a number of advisory boards such as the Great Transition.

1. How have the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) assisted in creating an environment conducive to the actions of civil society since its inception in 2000?

It should be remembered that unlike Agenda 21 there was little stakeholder involvement in the development of the MDGs. They by and large came from the Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (DAC OECD) targets so there was considerable opposition by stakeholders to the MDGs to begin with. From the sustainable development world, who had mostly bypassed the MDG Summit to focus on the World Summit on Sustainable Development, there was little in MDG7 to be happy with. MDG7 was slightly strengthened by the addition of a sanitation target. It is clear in the years since 2000 that development funding refocused around the MDGs and climate change and therefore so did much stakeholder involvement and actions.

Lewis Mwape of the Zambia Council for Social Development (ZCSD), speaks to CIVICUS about the status of the 2009 Zambian NGO Act and the campaign to amend the law.

In 2009 the government passed the NGO Act. Can you tell us a little about the restrictions on civil society under the law?

If implemented, provisions governing the registration of NGOs under the new law will be extremely problematic. Under the law CSOs must re-register every five years. In addition, prior to registering, CSOs must explicitly state their sources of funding and proposed activities. Such intrusive requirements will create severe administrative and organizational hurdles to the registration of new NGOs. The prospect that NGOs will be required to secure sustainable funding prior to registration is impractical.

The NGO Act also greatly narrows the definitions of CSOs. Labour unions, faith based organizations and professional groups are not recognized under the NGO Act and are expected to register according to separate legislation with the Ministry of Labour and under the Society Act for Faith Based Organisations. Distinguishing between civil society groups is divisive and will weaken cohesion among different sectors.

Natalie Akstein, CIVICUS Junior Convening Officer and youth focal point, interviews youth delegates at the Global Youth Forum in Bali, Indonesia. Delegates provide perspectives on the Forum's issues and suggestions for CIVICUS to strengthen its work on youth participation.

Samuel Kissi from Ghana is interviewed in this video.

*For more information on the Global Youth Forum go to this site: www.icpdyouth.org

Natalie Akstein, CIVICUS Junior Convening Officer and youth focal point, interviews youth delegates at the Global Youth Forum currently taking place in Bali, Indonesia. Delegates provide perspectives on the Forum's issues and suggestions for CIVICUS to strengthen its work on youth participation.

Omer ÇİFTÇİ from Turkey is interviewed in this video.

*For more information on the Global Youth Forum go to this site: www.icpdyouth.org

Can you tell us a little bit about the mission and work of Odhikar?
Odhikar Logo BangladeshOdhikar was formed by a group of human rights activists who fought against Bangladesh’s autocratic regime and struggled to restore democracy. Together, the group initiated discussions underscoring the need to uphold the civil and political rights of the people of Bangladesh along with their social, cultural and economic rights. A decision was then made to form an organisation to advance such rights and on October 10, 1994, Odhikar (a Bengali word that means ‘rights’) came into being. Its aim was to create a wider monitoring and awareness raising system on the abuse of civil and political rights.

Odhikar’s mission is broad and includes the promotion of human rights through the introduction of participatory democracy and good governance as well as advocacy and lobbying for the incorporation and ratification of international human rights instruments into domestic human rights compliant laws. Odhikar also stands to fight impunity, promote justice and criminalise torture within Bangladesh and, through affiliated networks, at regional and international levels.

The organisation’s day to day work focuses on documenting, fact-finding, monitoring and researching human rights abuses that include enforced disappearances, custodial deaths, violence against women, torture, prison conditions, violations of freedom of expression, election monitoring and fostering mass awareness campaigns on rights and duties.

How would you evaluate the Future We Want outcome document in two sentences?

The Future We Want outcome document is far from certain to actually lead us to the Future We Want due to its lack of ambition and commitment by the national government leaders of the world. Yet, it does contain some seeds which allow us to hope and which could form the basis of important action by many.

Do you think the conference was a success or a failure? Does the outcome give you hope or do you feel that it has regressed in terms of the progress?

Rio +20 was not the success the world and its young people needed it to be, but neither was it a catastrophic failure. Instead, it continues making little improvements, and for the world to continue muddling through, which is really not good enough.

Which stakeholder should have the biggest responsibility and make more efforts after Rio+20?

All stakeholders should do what they can: national governments, local and subnational governments, companies, individuals and civil society as a whole. Rio+20 encouraged this multifaceted action, in side events as well as in provisions in the official text such as specific sections on all nine Major Groups, on corporate sustainability reporting, on sustainable cities and on voluntary commitments.

Farooq Ullah is Editorial Advisor at the Stakeholder Forum. He is also a Specialist Advisor to the UK Parliament's Environmental Audit Committee and a member of the Alliance for Future Generations.

What are your overall impressions about the Rio + 20 Conference? Were the gains commensurate to the energy and resources spent?

It is too simplistic to declare Rio+20 an utter failure or a roaring success. It is important to look deeper than a superficial assessment to understand what really happened. Sustainable development is complex; I wish it were easier. There are, without a doubt, some successes that must be celebrated, minor though they may be.

Rio+20 launched numerous processes. It is the outcomes and success of these processes which will be the ultimate judge of the success of Rio+20.

How is the Stakeholder Forum planning to follow-up on the decisions made at Rio + 20?

Stakeholder Forum is planning much follow-up work to Rio+20, particularly on the Sustainable Development Goals, the intergovernmental process on Mobilisation of Resources, the Green Economy and Corporate Sustainability.

Boris Pustyntsev, Director of the Russia-based Citizens' Watch, speaks to CIVICUS about the impact of the new 'NGO Law' and recent restrictions on civil society activism in Russia.

The Russian Parliament recently adopted a new NGO law. Can you tell us a bit about the requirements set out in the law?

The law requires NGOs which receive funds from foreign sources and "participate in political activities" to apply for inclusion in a special registrar of NGOs which "perform functions of a foreign agent." After registering as a foreign agent, the NGO is required to provide relevant administrative authorities with detailed information pertaining to the amount of funds and other property received from foreign sources as well as information detailing how the funding and property will be used. In addition, every NGO registered as a 'foreign agent' must regularly submit documents detailing its activities, structure and members of its governing bodies to these authorities.

Furthermore, all publications issued and disseminated by NGOs designated as 'foreign agents' must include a notice that it has been published by an NGO registered as a 'foreign agent.' Also, any public events, including conferences, seminars or roundtable discussions, etc., organized by such an NGO must be preceded by an announcement that the organizer has been registered as a 'foreign agent.'

Dr Hassan Abdel Ati, Secretary General of Sudan’s National Civic Forum, speaks to CIVICUS about the crackdown on civil society activism and independent journalists since student-led protests began in March 2011.

A student led protest movement has emerged in Sudan. What issues have protestors put forward and what has been the government’s reaction to the demonstrations?

The youth protests, which began in earnest in March 2011, were spearheaded by university students in Khartoum, Kassala and Port Sudan. The protests started as sit-ins, strikes and demonstrations. However, the recent wave of protests, which followed violent confrontations with South Sudan forces in Hejlieg, have received far greater media attention. The recent protests were organised simultaneously in universities and residential areas in major cities in 11 of 15 regional states across Sudan. The demands put forward by demonstrators have widened beyond initial concerns about price increases of basic commodities to include the severe deprivation of freedom, peace and justice.

Since the movement began, protesters have demonstrated peacefully and in line with the 2005 Sudan Interim Constitution and its adjoining bill of rights. But government reaction to the protests has been vicious and unprecedented, and has contravened Sudanese Law. Riot police, plain clothes security personal and student militias have raided university premises and female student hostels, beating students and causing serious bodily harm. In addition, government security forces have used tear gas in enclosed areas, including in the Wad Nobawi Mosque in Omdurman and at the University of Khartoum. Furthermore, security officials have unwarrantedly and indiscriminately used rubber bullets and live ammunition to disperse demonstrators. In early August, in reaction to demonstrations in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur State, 12 people, most of them under the age of 20, were killed. At present, over 2,000 people involved in the demonstrations across Sudan remain in detention, with several being held in undisclosed facilities.

Catherine Pearce is the Campaign Manager for Future Justice [www.futurejustice.org] at the World Future Council, which campaigns for the interests of future generations to be taken into account in policy-making. Catherine has almost a decade's experience in the area of climate and energy policy, having worked with the C40 Large Cities Climate Leadership Group, where she convened mayors and advisors on reducing emissions and energy use in some of the world's largest cities. She also coordinated the climate campaign for Friends of the Earth International and the Parliamentary Renewable and Sustainable Energy Group in Westminster, UK.

What do you feel were the high and low points of the Rio+20 processes?

In the face of the enormity of our environmental and economic crises, Rio+20 offered a critical moment to seize new, visionary ideas and commit to ambitious, long-term action to secure the safekeeping of the planet and our very wellbeing.

Back in 2010, the Rio+20 Secretary-General, Sha Zukang, said, "There has never been a more urgent time to drive political will and action to make our societies more economically strong and socially and environmentally sustainable. We need to reinvigorate support here and now." Yet as Rio+20 neared, government positions became clear. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon warned them to resist the prioritisation of narrow national interests over the opportunity to take a new path to address the needs of the billions without, and safeguard the very sources of life on which we all depend.

These loaded statements were accompanied by inspiring civil society actions and campaigns, a high point perhaps, and stark warnings from the scientific community, all pointing in the same direction of what was required and expected of leaders in Rio.

The summit was never going to match its famous predecessor in Rio de Janeiro 20 years earlier. But while new legislation or new conventions were not a realistic part of the Rio+20 predicted outcome, some innovative new ideas were. The World Future Council had been actively promoting one such idea: to establish Ombudspersons for Future Generations. These would be independent guardians appointed at global, national and local levels whose job would be to help safeguard environmental and social conditions by speaking up authoritatively for future generations in all areas of policy-making.

Natia Kapanadze, Director of the Media Legal Defense Center at the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA), based in Tbilsi, Georgia, speaks to CIVICUS about recent attacks on independent journalists and civil society’s response.

What can you tell us about recent attacks on journalists and the freedom of expression in Georgia?

The work of journalists in Georgia has become particularly difficult in the run-up to the parliamentary elections, scheduled for October 2012. Since March, freedom of movement for Georgian journalists has been greatly restricted, with authorities denying reporters access to administrative offices and preventing them from covering government meetings and speeches.

Several journalists have also been subjected to heightened intimidation and physical abuse. In early July, video footage was released showing over a dozen activists, including ten journalists, being attacked in the village of Karaleti. The activists came to Karaleti to conduct election campaigning for the opposition coalition Georgia Dream.

Media organisations criticising the authorities have also faced problems in broadcast distribution. In one recent case, satellite dishes imported by broadcasters Studio Maestro LLC were impounded by the government in connection with an alleged vote-buying scheme. Studio Maestro LLC has contended that the distribution of the satellite dishes was simply part of a campaign to increase the scale of its audience. The state has failed to provide any explanation of the case, which has been condemned by civil society as affront to freedom of expression.

Susanne Salz is the former Executive and Policy Assistant to the Secretary General of ICLEI - Local Governments for Sustainability. ICLEI represents local authorities in numerous global forums, and in her role Susanne coordinated ICLEI’s global strategic relationships, working with partners such as UN-Habitat, UN Environment Programme (UNEP) and the International Union for the Conservation of Nature. At Rio+20, she represented local authorities. In the past, Susanne worked at the Education Directorate of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development and at UN Volunteers.

How would you evaluate the Future We Want outcome document in two sentences?

The Future We Want outcome document is far from certain to actually lead us to the future we want, due to its lack of ambition, and the lack of commitment by the national government leaders of the world. Yet it does contain some seeds that allow us to hope and which could form the basis of important action by many.

Do you think the conference was a success or a failure? Does the outcome give you hope or do you feel that it has regressed in terms of the progress?

Rio+20 was not the success the world and its young people needed it to be, but neither was it a catastrophic failure. Instead, it continues the tendency of making little improvements, and for the world to continue muddling through, which is really not good enough.

How would you evaluate the successes and failures of Rio + 20?

I have sincerely mixed feelings about Rio+20. What was definitely pleasant was that it was hosted by the wonderful city of Rio de Janeiro. Lucky country, to have such a spectacular and friendly city! Although, the conference was itself too big and the distances between Rio Centro and the People’s Summit were too far from each other. I had the impression that I was running frantically from one venue to another, which was quite frustrating.

So, most people say that if the summit did not result in a binding outcome document, then Rio+20 would have at least been a place for stakeholders to meet. But I would actually even challenge this. Rio+20 could engage in some multi-stakeholder dialogue only during the Sustainable Development Dialogue Days and in a few other venues. But again, I have this impression that CSOs and governments mainly talked to themselves, while the UN tried its best to get everyone to reach a common position. I was also surprised to see how the UN opened large avenues for the private sector, offering its representatives a fantastic marketing playing field. We need totally to rethink the engineering of these global events.

Vladimir Simonko, co-founder and chair of the Lithuanian Gay League (LGL) speaks to CIVICUS about the challenges the LGBT community faces in one of the most homophobic countries in Europe.

What current barriers exist for LGBT groups trying to operate in Lithuania?

Intolerance in general and homophobia as in Lithuanian society form a barrier for LGBT groups.

Lithuania is a party to the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), as well as numerous other international human rights instruments. But despite these formal commitments to protecting the rights of LGBT individuals, public opinion polls show that Lithuania is one of the most homophobic countries in Europe. Sexual minorities in Lithuania suffer from systematic discrimination and are subjected to hate speech within Lithuanian media.

Qamar Naseem, programme coordinator with women’s organisation Blue Veins, based in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, speaks to CIVICUS about the main challenges civil society groups and women face from religious right politicians in Pakistan.

What do you feel are the main challenges faced by civil society in Pakistan?

There are several challenges to CSOs in the different areas of Pakistan. The biggest challenge to Pakistani civil society is its recognition; it has often failed to bring the government within a people-centric corruption-free framework.

In most areas of Pakistan civil society exists in an underdeveloped form. There are always challenges to the liberal and democratic system in Pakistan, which has not allowed CSOs to grow in a considerable way. Ignorance, lack of sensitisation and poor knowledge about rights, and a lack of inclusion polices, have remained big challenges for civil society.

With increasing extremism, the space for liberals has decreased significantly. The space for dissent is consistently becoming smaller and more restricted. It is becoming easier for the state and the other dominant powers to label all dissent as terrorism or anti-national, while non-state actors aligned with the state easily label dissent as being part of a western agenda.

CIVICUS speaks to Dr Sabina Anokye-Mensah from Voice of African Mothers (VAM) on her expectations for Rio+20. As a civil society organisation and organising partner for the conference's Women Major Group, VAM advocates for women's education and empowerment in the African continent. She speaks about the challenges that arise from the concept of the green economy concept, and the tensions that currently face governments in the adoption of a rights-based approach.

What are your expectations from Rio+20?

The results of Rio+20 are expected to guide the actions of governments and the UN regarding the issue of sustainable development in the following years. Following from the conference I expect a cordial and improved relationship between governments, civil society, major groups, private sector and all stakeholders, so that the collaboration will provide a system of economic and environmental activities related to the production, distribution and consumption of goods and services, which create the opportunity for men, women, boys and girls to live in harmony with nature and be treated equally. Rio+20 results should strengthen sectoral linkages between agencies to ensure the use of the green economy as one of the means toward the achievement of the three pillars of sustainable development.

CIVICUS Director of Outreach, Henri Valot, interviews Nikhil Seth, Director, UN Division of Sustainable Development and Head of the Rio+20 Secretariat*

Listen to the interview

HENRI: What are your hopes and aspirations for Rio+20?

NIKHIL: My hopes and aspirations for Rio+20 are very high. First, I think it's going to be a very important convening of over 60,000 game-changers and people who have a deep impact on national policy. Representatives of civil society bring expertise in a wide range of areas, so it's not only a political governmental conference, but the ability to convene the largest UN conference in history, and the communities we will bring together at Rio will produce not one outcome which everyone focuses on - the political outcome - but thousands of outcomes, which bring together different communities of expertise, which has the potential for nurturing and brokering new partnerships. It has the potential of civil society engaging with different civil society from different parts of the world, so it's a mammoth assembly of people, and people forget that sometimes. So my hope is that in both the political outcome and in these other outcomes that I talk about that we will get real traction for the "future we want".

HENRI: In your opinion, what are the major challenges that the UN or member states are facing in establishing a concrete or ambitious outcome agreement? I know the problem on the Zero Draft and the negotiations that are happening. What are, for you, the main challenges?

NIKHIL: I think we are living in very difficult times. To start, news from all around the world is not good. The politics are kind of shot up globally, the economics are shot up globally, and people see only dark clouds in the global political, social and economic situation, so we are meeting in very difficult times, and meeting at such times, people wonder that groups will renege from the promises of the past, because the difficult situations mean difficulties for example, in financial resources. It means difficulties in various other commitments that have been made over the last twenty years, so the major worry is that other groups and countries might step back from their promises that will reduce the trust and the confidence and as a result people will not engage honestly and openly to solve the problems that we are out to solve. So my major worry is that the politics of the current times that we are living through will constrain significant progress.

Sukhrobjon Ismailov, founder and director of the Expert Working Group, Uzbekistan, speaks to CIVICUS about the challenges of being a human rights defender in his country. The Expert Working Group is a network of independent Uzbek experts and researchers studying issues related to law and public interest, human rights and fundamental freedoms, rule of law, democratisation and liberalisation.

Uzbekistan is considered one of the most difficult countries in which to be a civil society activist. What are the main challenges faced by you and your colleagues?

The challenges a CSO faces, whether local activists of international CSOs, partly depends on the Uzbek authorities' attitude of treating them well or badly depending on how politically loyal they are to the Uzbek regime. If they are loyal, issues regarding state registration and legal status, public support, persecutions and pressure - including imprisonment, physical attacks and abuse, threats, psychological pressure, coercion to cooperate with the authorities and secret services, blocking of websites and other types of media channels, denial of exit visas and freedom of movement, and restriction of freedom of assembly – can be solved. Those civil society activists and groups critical of the Uzbek government's policies face all these challenges on an everyday basis.

Jaehyun Jang is a Programme Specialist and Researcher at the Reshaping Development Institute (ReDI) in the Republic of Korea. ReDI is an independent think tank in the field of international development cooperation that aims to promote global development, study and research, and policy for the advancement of global knowledge cooperation. Here he tells us about his pessimism about the official Rio+20 process versus his hope in the People’s Summit, and the dangers in the current promotion of green growth and the green economy.

What are your hopes and aspirations for Rio+20?

I don’t have much expectation and hope for the forthcoming Rio+20. This is due to the fact that the main agenda of Rio+20 looks ‘zero ambitious’ compared to the original Rio summit, considering the seriousness and urgency of the multiple crises we and the earth face at the moment. By looking at the recent Rio+20 negotiations on the zero draft, it also seems that the recent failures in the UN climate change negotiations, caused by a growing tension between developed and major emerging developing economies, will lead the Rio+20 into another failure.

Roberto Bissio is Coordinator of Social Watch network and Executive Director of the Third World Institute. He serves as a board member of the Third World Network, the Women’s Environment and Development Organisation and of the Montreal International Forum. He is also a member of the Civil Society Advisory Committee to the United Nations Development Programme. Here, he talks about his hopes for Rio+20, and the need for sustainable development goals to combine human rights and sustainability agendas.

What are your expectations from Rio+20?

Rio+20 should at least reaffirm the Rio principles and resist the pressures to keep trusting in the kind of market solutions that have been proven a failure by the 2008 crisis. Ideally a Council for Sustainable Development within the UN framework should be created and an Ombudsperson for Future Generations appointed.

Endalkachew Molla Demilew is the Director of Ethiopia’s Human Rights Council (HRCO), responsible for coordinating the operations of the head and branch offices, establishing links and partnerships with governmental and non-governmental institutions, human rights activists, aid organisations, CSOs and the media, and overseeing HRCO’s human rights reporting and monitoring procedures. Previously he has held positions in both governmental and non-governmental institutions. Here, he tells us about his experience of working under the new CSO law introduced in 2009, the CSO Proclamation, described at the time  as “one of the most restrictive laws in the world” for civil society by Maina Kiai, UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association.

The CSO Proclamation that was introduced in 2009 raised a significant amount of international attention at the time. What has been the impact of this legislation over the last three years?

Jose Mavungo is a human rights activist from the Cabinda region. He is the co-founder of the Mpalabanda Association, which has been denied permission to operate by the Angolan government. Presently, Jose Mavungo is coordinating activities of the members of the Mpalabanda Association. He speaks to CIVICUS about the challenges faced by civil society in Angola.

We understand that your organisation, “Proclamation of Mpalabanda” continues to suffer from a 2006 ban. Can you tell us a little about the circumstances of the ban and the present situation?

The issue of banning Mpalabanda is deeply linked to historical and subjective elements influenced by the conflict in Cabinda. We receive almost on a daily basis, tragic stories of military and civilian victims. The authorities want to emerge victorious in the Cabinda conflict at any cost even at the expense of legal and universal human rights standards.

A Rio+20 interview with Nyaradzayi Gumbonzvanda, World YWCA

Nyaradzayi Gumbonzvanda is the General Secretary of the World YWCA, a global federation in 125 countries, and a human rights lawyer with extensive experience in CSO governance and transition management. She is also the Vice Chair of CIVICUS. She is active in trying to ensure that young women are able to help shape the future sustainable development agenda, and that the women's human rights impacts of climate change and sustainability challenges are taken into account. She talks to CIVICUS about her hopes for Rio+20 and the work of the World YWCA.

How is the World YWCA planning to advance women's issues, and participation at Rio+20?

The World YWCA will have a small delegation of YWCA representatives at Rio+20 with two clear goals – to ensure young people, and particularly young women, play a role in shaping the sustainable development agenda, and to ensure the agenda coming out of Rio+20 is inextricably linked with advancing gender equality and women's human rights. It is also essential that commitments are adequately resourced and that we continue to strengthen accountability mechanisms.

An interview with Alice Vincent of World Future Council on the Ombudsperson for Future Generations proposal

In the latest of our interviews with key civil society figures on the road to Rio+20, we talk to Alice Vincent, Policy Officer at the World Future Council, an organisation which brings together representatives of governments, parliaments, the arts, civil society, academia and the business world to form a voice for the rights of future generations. It hopes to see Rio+20 commit to establishing an Ombudsperson for Future Generations.

What is the World Future Council's proposal for Ombudspersons for Future Generations?

The World Future Council is proposing an Ombudsperson or High Commissioner for Future Generations under the second theme of Rio+20, 'Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development'.

The World Future Council is an organisation that endeavours to bring the interests of future generations to the centre of policy-making. We identify existing innovative future-just policies and advise policy-makers on how best to implement these.

Cristina Diez Saguillo has been a member of the International Movement ATD Fourth World's full-time volunteer corps since 2003. Prior to that she worked in the financial sector as a fund administrator and worked in grassroots projects with children and young people in poverty in disadvantaged urban areas of Spain. In 2010 she became the main representative of the organisation to the United Nations.

What issues is ATD Fourth World bringing to Rio+20?

The main issues we’re bringing to Rio+20 are human rights and the participation of all stakeholders, with special attention to those most affected by extreme poverty and exclusion.

The conference should contribute to building a new sustainable development framework and the outcomes should be based on internationally agreed upon human rights principles and standards. The work of the UN Human Rights Council in developing Guiding Principles on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights provides a useful reference point in developing a human-rights based approach to sustainable development and poverty eradication. A rights-based approach will ensure the following:

Linda Sheehan is Executive Director of Earth Law Center, an organisation that promotes recognition of the legal rights of all of Earth’s inhabitants and ecosystems and advocates for and promotes Earth-based laws and policies. She has 20 years’ experience of environmental law and policy.

What issues is the Earth Law Center bringing to Rio+20?


In the 20 years since the Rio Earth Summit, we have witnessed increasing worldwide ecosystem degradation and accelerating species losses. Scientists agree that we now stand at a crossroads, at which we can decide to fundamentally change our behaviour now, or face irreversible climate change impacts that will begin to take on lives of their own. Further good intentions pasted onto existing, flawed governance structures are not enough. Instead, we need to transform our overarching governance systems themselves to reward sustainable actions and discourage self-destructive behaviour.

Elizabeth Thompson is a former Minister for Energy and Environment of Barbados who also served as Minister for Physical Development and Minister for Health. Ms Thompson was appointed to the Barbados Senate and was a practising attorney as well as a journalist. She has also served as a lecturer in ecology, economy, energy and politics.

Sustainable Development Officer and Major Groups Programme Coordinator
UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs
Division for Sustainable Development

Chantal Line Carpentier joined the Division for Sustainable Development of the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA) as a Sustainable Development Officer in 2007. She previously served as Head of the Trade and Environment Programme of the North American Free Trade Agreement Commission for Environmental Cooperation and worked at the Wallace Institute for Alternative Agriculture and the International Food Policy Research Institute as well as consulting for the United Nations Development Programme, World Bank, and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. She regularly publishes journal articles and book chapters on the relations between economics, trade and environment.

CIVICUS has conducted a series of interviews with key players involved in the Rio+20 process. You may see the list of interviews conducted so far below: earth-summit-306-rtxvfxs

Felix Dodds is part of a number of advisory boards for Rio+20, including the global scientists conference in 2012 'Planet Under Pressure', the German Government sponsored conference 'Water, Energy and Food Security Nexus' in the Green Economy and the Government of Abu Dhabi sponsored conference 'Eye on Earth Summit' framework committee and stakeholder advisory committee.

What are your hopes and aspirations for Rio+20?

I have many hopes and aspirations for Rio+20 and some of those include:

  1. The establishment of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that have been brought to the table by the governments of Colombia and Guatemala.  Areas for the SDGs might include oceans, energy, biodiversity, food security and nutrition, water, urbanisation, sustainable consumption and production. These goals should have universal application and build on Agenda 21 and the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation (JPol). Integrating the SDGs with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to produce a single post-2015 framework would be a vital outcome from Rio.
  2. Put money on the table to fund a move towards an economy based on sustainable development. Governments can do this by delivering on the 0.7% commitment through the support of a financial transaction tax (FTT). The initiative might help governments refinance themselves, though it must be clear that that the money should support the move to economies supporting sustainable development.
  3. Support the establishment of a Convention on Corporate Sustainability to address the issues of mandatory reporting on stock exchanges. The Convention should be about more than simply addressing reporting; it should also deal with responsibility, principles of transparency and accountability of corporations. The Convention already has the support of governments, stakeholders and many key global companies as well as Global Compact.

CIVICUS interview with Dale McKinley

Dale McKinley, official spokesperson of South Africa’s Right to Know Campaign (R2K) and member of its national working group spoke to CIVICUS about the Protection of Information Bill passed by the National Assembly and awaiting approval of the National Council of Provinces. Dale is a long time social and political activist as well as an independent writer.

We understand that the Protection of Information Bill was revised a few times before the National Assembly passed it in November last year. What are the main concerns with the current draft of the bill?

Overall, despite the amendments, the fundamental thrust of the bill has not changed. It gives tremendous powers to the Minister of State Security to withhold a great deal of information from the public. The Right to Know campaign had devised a seven point freedom test for the bill. The bill passed by the National Assembly fails this test on the following grounds.

Andrey Yurov, from the Moscow Helsinki Group, International Youth Human Rights Movement and Head of International Observation Mission in Belarus, talks to Adele Poskitt at CIVICUS during the OSCE Civil Society Parallel conference about the situation for civil society in Belarus.

What do you think will be the impact of the 4.5 year sentence recently given to Ales Bialiatski going to be in Belarus?

The situation with Ales Bialiatski proves that there is no right for freedom of association in Belarus. The case is evidence that there is no free trial and no standards of rights are being observed in the country. The international community should understand that Belarus is not willing to meet its international human rights commitments. This situation is very difficult for Viasna, the organisation that Ales headed, but his colleagues are not going to stop their work. Despite the difficult conditions the organisation is facing and the possible confiscation of the venue they use as an office, I have no doubts they will continue their excellent work.

Andrey Yurov, from the Moscow Helsinki Group, International Youth Human Rights Movement and Head of International Observation Mission in Belarus, talks to Adele Poskitt at CIVICUS during the OSCE Civil Society Parallel conference about the situation for civil society in Belarus.

What do you think will be the impact of the 4.5 year sentence recently given to Ales Bialiatski going to be in Belarus?

The situation with Ales Bialiatski proves that there is no right for freedom of association in Belarus. The case is evidence that there is no free trial and no standards of rights are being observed in the country. The international community should understand that Belarus is not willing to meet its international human rights commitments. This situation is very difficult for Viasna, the organisation that Ales headed, but his colleagues are not going to stop their work. Despite the difficult conditions the organisation is facing and the possible confiscation of the venue they use as an office, I have no doubts they will continue their excellent work.

Billy Mayaya, Programme Manager, Church and Society (CCAP Nkohma Synod), the human Rights and advocacy department of the Presbyterian Church in Malawi spoke to CIVICUS about the current political situation in the country and the targeted threats  civil society members. Billy is also the Chairperson of the Civil and Political Rights Committee of the Malawi Human Rights Commission and Board Member of the Human Rights Consultative Committee

The environment for civil society in Malawi appears to be deteriorating for the past few months. Could you tell us a little bit about the current situation and your recent arrest with four other colleagues?
There is an incremental movement towards shrinking civil society space in Malawi, the dynamics of which were prompted by the current ruling party’s landslide victory in 2009. The Democratic Progressive Party viewed this as licence to rule without the consensus of the people that voted them into power for a second term. Concerned with the increasing levels of impunity, civil society as a collective began to demand transparency,accountability and observance of the rule of law. In response, the position of government was to maintain a more hard-line approach. This was evidenced by the level of vitriol directed to civil society concerns. Civil society organisations and select individuals were publicly targeted at presidential functions as being agents of foreign governments bent on damaging Malawi's profile abroad. Civil society organisations were branded a security risk and threatened with deregistration. As a response, the Government has enacted legislation meant to further shrink the space for civil society. Chief among these is the NGO Act 2000 which cautions NGO not to engage in political activities a veiled reference to advocacy.

Gino Govender, a seasoned civil society and trade union activist has recently joined Amnesty International’s International Mobilization team. He is based in South Africa and his mandate includes supporting growth in the region.  Prior to joining Amnesty, Gino was the Executive Director of Ditsela Workers’ Education Institute.  He has served a variety of student, community, labour and political organisations in organising, education and leadership roles over the years. He speaks to CIVICUS about his work, future plans and the state of civil society in Southern Africa.

Arthur Larok, Director of Programmes at the Uganda National NGO Forum (UNNGO), the newest addition to CIVICUS’ Affinity Group of National Associations (AGNA) family, discusses whether there is a new beginning with the NGO Law Reform Process in Uganda. Arthur has wide experience in civil society law and governance. He has written widely on governance and democratisation in Uganda and recently authored a chapter detailing the legal environment for NGOs in Uganda, which was published in the book (Dis enabling the Public Sphere: Civil Society Regulation in Africa (Volume 1).  He holds a Masters Degree in Governance and Development from the Institute of Development Studies and a Bachelor’s Degree in Political Science from Makerere University.

Interview by: Elizabeth Hira, Human Rights Activist and  Policy Unit Intern for CIVICUS

Henri Valot has just rejoined CIVICUS as the Outreach Director, although his relationship with the organisation began in 2005 when he served as the CIVICUS Policy Advisor. In that role, he was involved with the origins of GCAP, the Better Aid Coalition and the pivotal OECD High Level Forum 3 in Accra where CSOs were acknowledged as development actors in their own right. Henri brings more than 20 years of experience around international cooperation and development effectiveness, having worked on peacekeeping missions, with the UNDP, and most recently in Angola and Burundi with the National Democratic Institute. He is also a professor of political philosophy. We asked Henri for his thoughts on the recent citizen uprisings in Greece and Spain, and what movements like this and Arab Spring signal for how CSOs must adapt to the changing future of citizen action.

Pepe Julian Onziemam, Programme Coordinator for Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG), a coalition of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (LGBTI) human rights organisations in Uganda, speaks to CIVICUS about the challenges of working in a hostile environment.

Q. Tell us about your work as an LGBTI activist

A. My work and that of the organisations - advocating for gay and lesbian people - which I have been involved with since 2004, has considerable challenges. Legislation that criminalises same-sex activities, means that we don't have space for advocacy work and most of what we do has to be done underground so people do not have to show their faces. We are forced to meet in private and have no access to legal aid. To issue statements we must create alliances with fellow civil society groups to deliver our message within Uganda. This is incredibly isolating and makes our work even more difficult. Our long-term goal is to decriminalise homosexuality.

In 2009, a draconian anti-homosexuality bill was introduced in the Uganda Parliament by MP David Bahati. There has been mixed reaction to the bill and the process has been drawn out because of the pressure exerted by religious leaders.

(CIVICUS has analysed the bill which, through its wide ambit, seeks to criminalise the work of civil society organisations promoting the rights of LGBTI persons through cancellation of their registration and punishment of the head of the organisation with seven years imprisonment. Other repugnant provisions of the bill include punishment by death for HIV infected persons if they have sexual relations with a person of the same gender; life imprisonment for attempting to contract a marriage with a person of the same gender; extradition to Uganda of citizens or permanent residents if they have sexual relations with a person of the same gender; and enhanced punishment of life imprisonment for sexual relations between people of the same gender. http://civicus.org/media-centre/press-releases/archieve/474--civicus-condemns-the-ugandan-anti-homosexuality-bill )


Amy Bartlett, the Global Coordinator of the Open Forum for CSO Development Effectiveness, a unique global initiative working to strengthen and enhance the effectiveness of civil society in development initiatives, speaks to CIVICUS about her work.

The Open Forum has been coordinating a collective civil society voice on development effectiveness over the last couple of years. Can you tell us about this process? 

The Open Forum for CSO Development Effectiveness is a unique space for CSOs (Civil Society Organisations) worldwide to engage in a global and fully participatory process towards defining and introducing a framework of mutually shared development effectiveness principles. Through the Open Forum, which will be operating from 2009 until the 4th High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in 2011, CSOs are striving to build a consensus on commonly accepted principles to improve their development effectiveness and on minimum standards for an enabling environment where CSOs can fully apply and strengthen their specific roles in development. This framework will take account of CSO development visions, approaches, relationships and the impact of their actions. To develop this framework, the Open Forum is also facilitating multi-stakeholder dialogues with and among CSOs, donors and governments on these issues at country, regional and international levels.



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