Afghanistan

  • #HRC50: Call for Urgent Debate on the women’s rights crisis in Afghanistan

    Open letter to Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States to the UN Human Rights Council

    Excellencies,

    We, the undersigned civil society organisations, urge you to call for and support an urgent debate at the 50th session of the UN Human Rights Council regarding the women’s rights crisis in Afghanistan. We further urge you to support a resolution responding to this crisis.

    Since August 2021, when the Taliban took control of the country, there has been an enormous deterioration in the recognition and protection of the rights of women and girls in Afghanistan, including with respect to the rights to non-discrimination, education, work, public participation, health, and sexual and reproductive health. The Taliban has also imposed sweeping restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association, assembly and movement for women and girls. Afghanistan is now the only country in the world to expressly prohibit girls’ education.

    In the last few weeks, the situation has worsened dramatically, with a Taliban directive that women and girls must fully cover themselves in public, including their faces, and leave home only in cases of necessity. International investigations, witness testimony and video evidence indicate that women human rights defenders and others protesting against the restrictions and violations have been subject to home invasions, threats, abductions, enforced disappearances, and assaults with electric devices and chemical sprays.

    On 17 May 2022, the Taliban dissolved the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, cutting off a crucial source of support for Afghans facing violations of their human rights, including women and girls experiencing gender-based violence.

    On 26 May 2022, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Afghanistan concluded his country mission by describing recent measures as ‘fitting a pattern of absolute gender segregation…aimed at making women invisible in society’.

    This is the most serious women’s rights crisis in the world today, and the most serious women’s rights crisis since the Taliban took over Afghanistan the last time in 1996.

    Consistent with the mandate conferred under General Assembly resolution 60/251 that the Human Rights Council address situations of gross and systematic human rights violations, it is imperative that the Council consider and take action on the women’s rights crisis in Afghanistan in a manner reflecting the gravity and urgency of the situation. At the Council’s forthcoming 50th session the High Commissioner will provide an oral update on the human rights situation in Afghanistan, followed by an interactive dialogue. In our view, this interactive dialogue, which will consider the situation in the country in general, should be complemented by an urgent debate providing a dedicated focus on women’s and girls’ rights, gender equality, and the situation for women human rights defenders in the country.

    The purposes of an urgent debate could include:

    1. To unequivocally condemn the huge regression in the recognition, protection and realisation of the rights of women and girls in Afghanistan;
    2. To express solidarity and support for women and girls in and from Afghanistan, including women human rights defenders who continue to advocate for equality and non-discrimination despite the threats and risks;
    3. To provide a platform and opportunity for women human rights defenders from Afghanistan, together with other independent civil society actors, to share their experiences, expertise, recommendations and demands;
    4. To provide a platform and opportunity for the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan to brief the Council on the preliminary findings and recommendations from his country visit of 15 to 26 May; and
    5. To request that the Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan and the Working Group on Discrimination against Women and Girls prepare a report on the situation to be presented and discussed at the Council and ensure that they are adequately resourced to do this.

    Recognition and protection of gender equality is both a human rights obligation and essential to achieve peace, justice and sustainable development in Afghanistan. These grave and systematic violations of women’s rights demand an urgent and proportionate response. It would be unacceptable for the June session of the Council, traditionally the session focused on gender-related issues, to pass without dedicated attention and action on the rights of women and girls in Afghanistan. We consider that an urgent debate and substantive resolution are part of an appropriate response and urge you to take and support action in this regard.

    Yours faithfully,

    1. Afghan Women's Educational Center
    2. Aid Afghanistan for Education
    3. Amnesty International
    4. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    5. Center for Reproductive Rights
    6. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Civic Participation
    7. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
    8. Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights
    9. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    10. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
    11. Freedom Now
    12. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
    13. Global Justice Center
    14. Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP)
    15. Human Rights Watch
    16. International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
    17. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
    18. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    19. Malala Fund
    20. OutRight Action International
    21. Social Association for Development of Afghanistan
    22. Women & Children Legal Research Foundation
    23. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
    24. Women's Refugee Commission
    25. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
  • Afganistán: la ONU y los Estados miembros deben tomar medidas urgentes para proteger a la sociedad civil

    En CIVICUS, la alianza global de la sociedad civil, nos preocupa profundamente la seguridad de las personas que defienden los derechos humanos, de los periodistas y del personal de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil en Afganistán, tras el colapso del gobierno del presidente Ashraf Ghani y la toma del poder por parte de los talibanes.

    Tal y como han solicitado los expertos de la ONU, instamos a los Estados miembros de la ONU a que tomen medidas inmediatas para protegerlos y a que convoquen urgentemente una sesión especial del Consejo de Derechos Humanos sobre Afganistán, que incluya un debate sobre el rápido establecimiento de una misión de investigación para evaluar la situación sobre el terreno e informar sobre ella.

    Los talibanes tienen un historial de abusos contra los derechos humanos, represalias coordinadas contra sus críticos y ataques a civiles con impunidad. Tras la toma de Kabul, las personas que defienden los derechos humanos informaron de que los talibanes habían revelado listas de nombres de representantes de la sociedad civil y de que se habían llevado a cabo redadas en sus domicilios. A las personas defensoras que intentan salir del país también se les ha impedido subir a los aviones, ya que las misiones extranjeras han dado prioridad a la evacuación de sus propios ciudadanos y personal. Los demás se han escondido y temen por su vida.

    El Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos también expresó su preocupación por los primeros informes según los cuales los talibanes están imponiendo severas restricciones a los derechos humanos en las zonas bajo su control, especialmente dirigidas a las mujeres.

    "La crisis que se está produciendo en Afganistán requiere una respuesta urgente y decidida de la ONU y de los Estados miembro. Deben adoptarse medidas proactivas para garantizar la seguridad y la protección de quienes defienden los derechos humanos, especialmente de las mujeres. Muchos corren el riesgo de ser objetivo de los talibanes por su trabajo, y hay que hacer esfuerzos para evacuarlos y reubicarlos a ellos y a sus familias", dijo Josef Benedict, investigador del Espacio Cívico de CIVICUS.

    CIVICUS ha documentado los ataques de los talibanes a la sociedad civil en los últimos años. Las personas que defienden los derechos humanos, sobre todo las mujeres, han sido amenazadas en el transcurso de su trabajo y algunas han sido secuestradas y asesinadas. Muchos han tenido que trasladarse por razones de seguridad, aunque los autores no han rendido cuentas. Las recientes negociaciones de paz no han incluido de forma adecuada y efectiva a la sociedad civil, especialmente a las defensoras de los derechos humanos.

    Según la información recopilada por el Comité Afgano de Defensores de los Derechos Humanos (AHRDC), sólo entre septiembre de 2020 y mayo de 2021 fueron asesinados 17 defensores de los derechos humanos. Más de 200 personas defensoras de los derechos humanos y representantes de los medios de comunicación han denunciado haber recibido graves amenazas. Dadas las actuales condiciones de conflicto e inestabilidad política, estas amenazas han aumentado.

    El llamamiento del secretario general de la ONU, António Guterres, el 16 de agosto, para que la comunidad internacional hable al unísono para defender los derechos humanos en Afganistán es un paso en la dirección correcta.

    "El Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU debe aprovechar la oportunidad actual para reanudar rápidamente las estancadas conversaciones de paz en Afganistán y garantizar la representación efectiva de la sociedad civil, especialmente de las mujeres. También debe pedir a los talibanes que respeten la legislación internacional en materia de derechos humanos, protejan a los civiles y pongan fin a las operaciones de represalia", dijo Josef Benedict.

    El CIVICUS Monitor es una plataforma en línea que hace un seguimiento de las amenazas a la sociedad civil en países de todo el mundo, califica el espacio cívico -el espacio para la sociedad civil- en Afganistán comorepresivo. 
  • Afghanistan : L'ONU et les États membres doivent prendre des mesures urgentes pour protéger la société civile

    CIVICUS, l'alliance mondiale de la société civile, est profondément préoccupée par la sécurité des défenseurs des droits humains, des journalistes et du personnel des organisations de la société civile en Afghanistan, suite à l'effondrement du gouvernement du Président Ashraf Ghani et à la prise de pouvoir par les Talibans.

    Comme l'ont demandé les experts de l'ONU, nous exhortons les États membres de l'ONU à prendre des mesures immédiates pour les protéger et à demander de toute urgence la tenue d'une session spéciale du Conseil des droits de l'homme sur l'Afghanistan, qui comprendra une discussion sur la mise en place rapide d'une mission d'enquête chargée d'évaluer la situation sur le terrain et de rendre compte.

    Les talibans ont un passé de violation des droits humains, de mesures de représailles coordonnées contre leurs détracteurs, et d'attaques contre les civils en toute impunité. Après la prise de contrôle de Kaboul, les défenseurs des droits humains ont signalé que des listes de noms de représentants de la société civile ont été révélées par les talibans et que des raids ont été menés à leur domicile. Les défenseurs des droits humains qui tentent de quitter le pays ont également été empêchés d'embarquer dans des avions, les missions étrangères ayant donné la priorité à l'évacuation de leurs propres ressortissants et de leur personnel. D'autres se sont cachés et craignent pour leur vie.

    Le Haut-Commissaire aux droits de l'homme s'est également inquiété des premières informations indiquant que les talibans imposent de sévères restrictions aux droits humains dans les zones qu'ils contrôlent, en ciblant particulièrement les femmes.

    « La crise qui se déroule en Afghanistan exige une réponse urgente et déterminée de la part des Nations unies et des États membres. Des mesures proactives doivent être prises pour assurer la sécurité et la protection des défenseurs des droits humains, en particulier des femmes. Nombre d'entre eux risquent d'être pris pour cible par les talibans en raison de leur travail, et des efforts doivent être déployés pour les évacuer et les réinstaller, eux et leurs familles », a déclaré Josef Benedict, chercheur en matière d'espace civique chez CIVICUS.

    CIVICUS a recueilli des informations sur les attaques des talibans contre la société civile au cours des dernières années. Les défenseurs des droits humains, en particulier les femmes, ont été menacés dans l'exercice de leurs fonctions et certains ont été enlevés et tués. Nombre d'entre eux ont dû déménager pour des raisons de sécurité, alors même que les auteurs de ces actes n'ont pas été tenus pour responsables. Les récentes négociations de paix n'ont pas réussi à inclure de manière adéquate et efficace la société civile, en particulier les femmes défenseures des droits humains.

    Selon les informations compilées par le Comité afghan des défenseurs des droits humains (AHRDC), 17 défenseurs des droits humains ont été tués entre septembre 2020 et mai 2021 seulement. Plus de 200 défenseurs des droits humains et représentants des médias ont déclaré avoir reçu de graves menaces. Compte tenu des conditions de conflit et de l'instabilité politique actuelles, ces menaces se sont amplifiées.

    L'appel lancé par le secrétaire général des Nations unies, António Guterres, le 16 août, à la communauté internationale pour qu'elle parle d'une seule voix afin de faire respecter les droits humains en Afghanistan, est un pas dans la bonne direction.

    « Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies doit saisir l'occasion qui se présente actuellement pour relancer rapidement les pourparlers de paix inter-afghans, qui sont dans l'impasse, et assurer une représentation effective de la société civile, en particulier des femmes. Il doit également appeler les talibans à respecter le droit international des droits de l'homme, à protéger les civils et à mettre fin aux opérations de représailles », a déclaré Josef Benedict.

    Le CIVICUS Monitor,une plateforme en ligne qui suit les menaces pesant sur la société civile dans les pays du monde entier, qualifie l'espace civique - l'espace pour la société civile - en Afghanistan comme étant réprimé.
  • Afghanistan: Free Girls Education Activist Matiullah Wesa

    The abduction and detention of human rights defender and education campaigner, Matiullah Wesa, in Afghanistan is a clear attempt by the Taliban to curtail all opposition to their restrictions on the education of women and girls, global civil society alliance, CIVICUS said today.  Matiullah Wesa was abducted by the Taliban on 27 March 2023 outside a mosque in Kabul where he was attending evening prayers. His family was threatened and their phones, computers and documents confiscated. There are concerns that the Taliban may also be looking for his brother who works closely with him on education rights. 
  • AFGHANISTAN: ‘Education is our basic right, it’s an Islamic right, it’s a human right’

    Matiullah WesaCIVICUS speaks about girls’ right to education in Afghanistan with Matiullah Wesa, founder and president of PenPath.

    PenPath is an Afghan civil society organisation (CSO) dedicated to reopening closed schools, establishing new schools with communities and local authorities’ support, supporting ‘secret schools’, collecting books and setting up libraries, distributing humanitarian aid and educational materials and conducting awareness-raising campaigns in Afghanistan. 

    What is PenPath, and what kind of work does it do?

    My brother Ataullah and I founded PenPath in 2009. We work on a wide variety of topics, including human rights, girls’ education and public libraries. We seek to realise fundamental human rights. We support children’s human rights and women’s human rights.

    In the area of education, we work towards the goal of reopening closed schools. In 2009, we reopened a school in a war zone area that had been closed for almost 15 years. After we started reaching out to volunteers, we were able to campaign house to house in village after village. Over time, we were able to reopen 100 schools in the 16 provinces of Afghanistan. 

    For instance, once we went to an area which had 2,100 families and not a single school. We started encouraging people by giving them information about the importance of education. They saw how important it was to have a school in their area. PenPath eventually established 46 schools in this previously school-less area, and we also opened 40 public libraries in remote areas.

    We want to change people’s minds and show them that children’s rights, women’s rights and the right to education are all fundamental rights. We organised a book donation campaign and with the help of Afghan people we have so far collected 340,000 books. We have also distributed 1.5 million stationery material kits (pens, notebooks, schoolbags, pencils) among Afghan people. We provided education facilities for 110,000 children; and 66,000 of them were girls.

    We think of PenPath as a bridge: we are a bridge between people and education.

    What inspired you and your brother to found PenPath?

    Our father was a tribal leader, and after 25 years of work and campaigning house to house to promote education, he established a public school for 900 students. This first school was built out of tents my father got, and we all studied under the trees. In 2003, I was a child attending school in Kandahar Province, Maruf District. I was in the fourth grade and I still remember the day when armed militants came and burned it down. It was very early in the morning, and they destroyed everything, including the Afghan national flag, pictures of the president, and of course the tents, chairs, books, and all school materials we owned. They yelled out awful things to teachers and students. My father was not present when this happened, so I told him once I saw him at home that evening. Even though he was devastated, this did not stop him. The next day, he encouraged all of us to fight for our rights and rebuild the school.

    Six days after my school was burned down, militants came into my house to warn my father that as he was a supporter of girls’ education we were not welcome any longer. They gave us one week to go. We left our home and our district or else we would have been killed.

    We left for Kabul, where we saw that both girls and boys had access to education. I reflected on this and decided to start some kind of campaign. I explained my idea to my father and he agreed to give me financial support for my project, which was also dear to him because he had a history with girls’ education initiatives. This is how my brother and I founded PenPath in 2009.

     What obstacles have you faced?

    When we campaign with PenPath, we travel around the country and visit all districts and villages on our way. We talk to the local people in each area and we promote the unity of Afghan society for the cause of education. It is always difficult to start this conversation. When you first approach locals, their reaction can be very aggressive; they give us death threats and say they will kill us if we keep doing what we do. We also receive threatening phone calls from unknown numbers.

    However, I don’t personally see these threats as obstacles. We manage to have thousands of contacts with locals and tribal leaders from all religious backgrounds who support our work. Fundamentalist militants can’t control our work and they can’t make us stop.

    How did the context change as the Taliban returned to power?

    The Taliban took over Afghanistan on 15 August 2021. Two days after this, PenPath started campaigning. We travelled to 20 provinces and met with thousands of women, men, tribal leaders and people from all religious backgrounds. We encouraged them to join us and contribute to the cause of girls’ education. We told them education is our basic right, it’s an Islamic right, it’s a human right.

    When the Taliban closed girls’ schools, PenPath was the first CSO to start protests against this. We started protesting in March 2022 and held press conferences against the Taliban’s decision. 

    Right now, girls’ schools are closed from grade six to grade 12 – that is, approximately from ages 12 to 18 –, which means that secondary education is out of reach for girls. People are starting to feel hopeless because it has been seven months now and girls still can’t go back to school.

    We are campaigning to reverse this every day, protesting and holding press conferences. The Taliban told the media they would open these schools soon, so now we are waiting for this to happen. We are just waiting for the Taliban’s final decision regarding girls’ education. If the Taliban don’t keep their promise and open the schools, we won’t stay silent – we will take to the streets.

    We will protest outside the Ministry of Education until schools are reopened. The reason I stayed in Afghanistan was to open all schools and to defend this fundamental right. This is now PenPath’s responsibility.

    To what extent are people able to mobilise for girls’ education in Afghanistan?

    Mobilising in Afghanistan is not an easy task. Every day we work to change the narrative around protests. We tell the media that we love our people and our country, and that is why we are fighting. But we must accept the hardships of mobilising in Afghanistan.

    We receive threats and face any challenges that come our way. I could write books about all the challenges I’ve encountered because of my work. But I prefer not to focus on the challenges: I try to share with the media just the positive things. We want to reopen schools, and we will do whatever is necessary to achieve this. We won’t be silenced.

    How does a ‘secret school’ work?

    Secret schools function inside people’s homes. Many houses in Afghan villages are sufficiently big, with very big entrance halls. Some secret schools have grades one to six (ages 7 to 12), and others have grades six to nine (ages 12 to 16). Girls usually attend the latter since the biggest problem is that now they can’t attend high school. We also have five online programmes that are specially designed for girls who can’t attend school right now due to the political situation. The vast majority of our secret schools are located in the most remote areas or in war zones. We provide them with teachers, grade divisions and the necessary infrastructure.

    In 2016 we started with 12 secret schools. These were located in a war zone area where there were no teachers available. We moved education to the houses and family teachers helped us with this. At this time, we didn’t want to promote this initiative on the media or among the government because we were afraid for the well-being of the teachers and students who took part. If they saw we had secret girls’ schools in that area, the military would try to kill our teachers.

    Right now, we have 33 secret schools in the poorest provinces of Afghanistan. These areas had no schools 20 years ago, and we were the ones who brought education to them. There are two kinds of schools in these areas: one has only one class, and the other one has up to nine classes. Girls from poor areas used to have no access to schooling, and now they do. This is what matters to us. We give girls hope. Right now, 5,000 girls are studying every day in our secret schools.

    How could international civil society support your work?

    Funding is a big challenge for us. During the last government, I had contacts with the president and the minister of education, but I’ve never had contacts with the local Taliban. This means that no one in the current administration will help us. We used to have a team of 2,400 volunteers and worked together with the government. They had a big salary budget and helped us with donations. But the majority of those officials don’t have a job anymore, and this is a problem because we are running very low on donations.

    On the ground I can manage, because all of our activities used to be in war-zone areas, which were 50 per cent Taliban-controlled anyway. I know how to talk to religious leaders and how to navigate these difficulties. But funding is a whole different thing.

    I am very active on social media. PenPath has a website, Facebook page and Twitter account. I also use Twitter, Facebook and Instagram. If international civil society or foreign CSOs want to contribute to our projects, they can always get in touch with us on social media, by email and through WhatsApp. We currently don’t receive any kind of international funding, and all our work is volunteer work. But we do need your support to continue running secret schools, public libraries, online classes and other activities. Donations would be a big help for PenPath.

    Another key way the international community could help is by putting pressure on the Taliban government to reopen schools and by supporting education in Afghanistan. Before the Taliban took over in August last year, there were still many areas with no schools, so we need help building schools, providing scholarships, distributing books and stationery and bringing all these to remote places. We need all the help we can get if we are to provide education opportunities to every woman, girl and boy in Afghanistan.

    Civic space in Afghanistan is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
    Get in touch with PenPath through itswebsite or itsFacebook page, and follow@PenPath1 and@matiullahwesa on Twitter and@penpathvolunteers and@matiullah_wesa on Instagram.

    PenPath Afghanistan 1
  • AFGHANISTAN: ‘Lack of dialogue and punishing sanctions are undermining the promotion of human rights’

    HadiyaAfzalCIVICUS speaks about the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan with Hadiya Afzal, programme coordinator of Unfreeze Afghanistan.. Unfreeze Afghanistan is a women-led civil society organisation (CSO) formed by women from Afghanistan and the USA. It advocates for the release of Afghan assets frozen following the Taliban takeover to enable the state to pay salaries owed to public sector workers, including teachers and doctors, and tackle the ongoing humanitarian crisis.

    Why is civil society calling for the release of frozen assets of the Afghan state?

    When over US$9 billion of Afghanistan’s Central Bank reserves were frozen in August 2021, it had a devastating impact on the economy. Central Bank assets are the people’s money, used to hold currency auctions in the country, safeguard against inflation and control price stability. Afghanistan needs its Central Bank reserves back to stabilise its economy and perform centralised banking functions again.

    The assets frozen also included private monies, that is, accounts held by private individuals, companies and CSOs. People were unable to withdraw their own money from banks for months, with many still unable to do so due to lack of cash. Many Afghans sold off anything they owned to afford essential goods, the prices of which skyrocketed.

    Over the past year, leading CSOs, humanitarian organisations and more than 70 economists, including Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz, have advocated through meetings, protests, letters and media appearances for the return of Afghanistan’s money to get its economy back on its feet, independently of whatever global aid funding is provided. United Nations (UN) experts have also called for the USA to unblock Afghanistan’s frozen assets to ease the humanitarian situation.

    What kind of safeguards should be put in place if the frozen assets are returned?

    The USA has signalled that funds could be returned to Da Afghanistan Bank (DAB), the country’s central bank, as long as three conditions are met: the establishment of independent monitoring mechanisms, the implementation of credible anti-money laundering regulations and controls to combat the financing of terrorism and DAB’s insulation from political interference – which meant replacing its top leadership, in the hands of Taliban officials, one of whom is under US and UN sanctions, with professionals.

    DAB has already agreed on independent monitoring conditions, and experts have set out how pre-existing independent monitoring and electronic auditing could be restored. US claims that the new Afghan government lacks expertise and that capacity building is needed for the state to be able to perform central bank functions could be addressed by assistance from the international community. The law that outlines DAB’s function as a technocratic institution charged with responsibilities such as currency auctions and oversight of banks is still in place. DAB continues to have the same audit oversight committee, with the same members it had under the previous government. And the chair of the audit committee has been an outspoken advocate for the return of DAB’s reserves.

    The Afghan government should ensure that the DAB law remains in place and that the institution will function separate from political considerations. Advocacy experts highlighted that the USA does not apply audit conditions as strictly to other countries as it does to Afghanistan. It does not seize their foreign assets due to limited monitoring capabilities.

    What else should the international community do to contribute to improving the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan?

    The international community should focus on supporting a strong, independent Afghan economy that can run on its own, the first step in which should be to return the full assets of the Afghan people to its central bank.

    Another measure the international community can take is to provide global aid raised by the UN and other international bodies. Human Rights Watch alerted that without sustained humanitarian aid donations, Afghanistan’s upcoming winter could be even worse than the last one.

    Last year, UN emergency funding staved off experts’ worst fears of a devastating winter, but the people of Afghanistan cannot continue to depend on global kindness after a year marked by war, the pandemic and rising inflation. Afghanistan’s assets must be returned to its central bank to bring stability to the lives of ordinary Afghans, and the international community should invest in the infrastructure necessary to ensure its success.

    What alternative measures, other than financial sanctions, can the international community implement to promote human rights, and specifically women’s rights, and support civil society in Afghanistan?

    Sanctions have had a devastating impact on Afghanistan, and the resulting humanitarian crisis has disproportionately affected the average Afghan. The Center for Economic and Policy Research stated that financial sanctions on Afghanistan amount to a form of ‘collective punishment’ of the Afghan people for the actions of a government they did not choose.

    The sanctions are not helping. In the words of Jamila Afghani, founder and president of the Afghan chapter of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, ‘we are not supporting Afghan women by starving them’.

    In fact, sanctions are only making things worse. The cultural practice of forced marriages and what effectively amounts to the sale of girls is reinforced by socio-economic factors. Even under the previous government more than 70 per cent of marriages were forced. These are expected to increase as a result of the humanitarian crisis.

    Meanwhile, Islamic scholars such as Daisy Khan have highlighted Quranic evidence supporting women’s independence, education and liberation. The promotion of human rights and specifically women’s rights is best fostered in a stable economic environment with sustained international diplomacy and interfaith dialogue.

    Lack of dialogue between the international community and the government of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan compounded by punishing sanctions is undermining the promotion of human rights. Human rights can only be promoted through constructive dialogue while addressing the drivers of wellbeing – rebuilding financial stability, economic independence and global cooperation.

    Civic space in Afghanistan is rated ‘repressed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

    Get in touch with Unfreeze Afghanistan through its website or Facebook page, and follow @UnfreezeAfghan on Twitter.
  • AFGHANISTAN: ‘Open-source monitoring reveals both the clampdown on women’s rights and the impact on their lives’

    AfghanistanWitness LogoCIVICUS speaks about the situation of human rights and women’s rights in Afghanistan with Anouk Theunissen and Humaira Rahbin, researchers with Afghan Witness, and Meetra Qutb, Afghan Witness’s communications specialist.

    Afghan Witness is a project run by the UK-based Centre for Information Resilience, aimed at independently collecting, verifying and preserving information on human rights in Afghanistan. It seeks to provide reliable data to international organisations, governments, the media and civil society and to create awareness about the realities of everyday life in Afghanistan. Its team includes people on the ground as well as international researchers, analysts, journalists and experts. Most of its team members’ identities are kept confidential for safety reasons.
  • AFGHANISTAN: ‘Our fight for accountability has become a thousand times harder under the Taliban’

    CIVICUS speaks with Horia Mosadiq, an Afghan women human rights defender (HRD) and founder of Safety and Risk Mitigation Organization (SRMO). SRMO aims to empower, support and protect Afghan civil society activists and organisations, including those working in remote and insecure areas, and to advocate for greater state protection and accountability for any abuses they suffer as result of their work.

    Horia has extensive experience in assisting HRDs at risk and providing human rights and safety training. She previously worked as the Afghanistan researcher for Amnesty International.

    Since the Taliban takeover in August 2021, Afghanistan has experienced a human rights and humanitarian crisis. Protests,especially by women, have been dispersed with excessive force, gunfire and beatings, leading to deaths and injuries of peaceful protesters. Journalists and HRDs have been threatened, intimidated and attacked and had their homes raided.

    Horia Mosadiq

    Why did you establish your organisation?

    Along with two other dedicated activists, I established SRMO in 2013 with a mandate to protect HRDs and civil society in Afghanistan. We founded it because there was no mechanism inside the country to respond to growing threats against activists. I was an HRD at risk for many years and was totally reliant on international civil society organisations (CSOs) such as Freedom House, Front Line Defenders and Urgent Action Fund.

    But we wanted to set up something led and run by Afghans, by people who understood the situation on the ground and could respond to the needs of Afghan HRDs who don’t speak English and don’t have access to international platforms and organisations. The whole idea behind SRMO is to reach out and protect grassroots activists, especially those in volatile areas and without international access or funding.

    What does your research reveal about the current situation of Afghan HRDs?

    We recently published a report that contains two distinct sections. The first covers the situation in 2021 until 15 August, a time when the previous government was in control and there was an elected president in charge. A clear law enforcement system, a judiciary and other accountability mechanisms were in place. They were not anywhere near perfect or even responsive, but at least they existed.

    The second section covers the events following the Taliban takeover on 15 August 2021. The whole security situation in the country changed significantly and the republic of Afghanistan was gone. The Taliban operate on the basis of Islamic ideology and renamed the country ‘Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan’. There is no law-and-order system anymore. The whole system is run by a group of mullahs with no clear accountability. Nobody knows which laws they are implementing. There is a lack of clarity and a definite legal gap. In many instances they refer to Sharia law, although we don’t have a codification of Sharia, so it is all open to interpretation. This is the situation on the ground today.

    Following the Taliban takeover, attacks against HRDs have continued and nobody has been held accountable. Many HRDs have been killed, abducted, tortured and disappeared. Between January and March 2022 alone, SRMO documented 120 violations against activists, journalists and critics, including killings and kidnappings. Even medical doctors have been abducted by the Taliban.

    Many CSOs have had to shut down and media workers and journalists have faced numerous restrictions. We documented the case of a TV journalist who interviewed a critic of the Taliban, and right afterward he and his crew were arrested and tortured, and were only released after signing statements pledging not to reveal their treatment to the international community. Many activists who protested had their passports and IDs taken away so they couldn’t leave the country and expose the truth. Activism is still happening, but civic space is increasingly shutting down.

    Contrary to the general belief among the diplomatic community, the security situation has not improved under the Taliban. Although you may not hear about many bombings or active fighting in various parts of the country, the general security situation has deteriorated. Dozens of HRDs, journalists and others have been abducted, tortured, disappeared and detained unlawfully and without any explanation. The de facto authorities are part of an abusive system. The limited accountability mechanisms that existed under the previous regime are all gone. Now no one is accountable to anyone. Our fight for accountability has become a thousand times harder under the Taliban.

    How have you conducted your work following the Taliban takeover?

    Since August 2021, our focus shifted to reactive work to provide safety and protection to HRDs at risk and evacuate them from the country. The evacuations have since slowed down, but we also support the internal relocation of those at risk. We also provide humanitarian assistance to women HRDs, as many have lost their jobs and livelihoods. So as well as facing security threats, many have lost their means of surviving, paying for food and essentials required for their family. We have tried to support some minimal living costs where possible.

    What has happened to the activists who were evacuated?

    Those who were part of an organised effort undertaken by some countries and CSOs are being looked after while they resettle. But those who fled the country to Central Asia, Pakistan or Turkey experience an extremely bad situation as they run out of funds, their visas expire and there are no programmes for their resettlement. Many are pushed back by embassies or told they need to register with the United Nations (UN) Refugee Agency and that it can take years before they are resettled.

    Some with expired visas are even being deported back to Afghanistan. I just heard that Greece has deported 500 Afghans to Turkey, which sent them back to Afghanistan. In Central Asian countries people cannot get their expired visas renewed while in the country; they must leave to get a new one, which many HRDs are unable to do. This is making it difficult for them to survive. Many activists and journalists are facing ever-growing economic difficulties. They can’t pay for rent or food. Things are particularly difficult for those with small children. Many funders don’t provide resources for HRDs outside their country.

    What can the international community do to support HRDs in Afghanistan?

    I am disappointed with the international community. The way they have responded to the Ukraine crisis is very different from how they have responded to the situation in Afghanistan. They were open to receive millions of Ukrainian refugees, whose cases were processed within weeks. In contrast, only a few countries – including Canada, Germany and the USA – have been willing to issue visas to Afghans. This is not nearly enough, as thousands are currently stranded in neighbouring countries and in need of immediate help. If they can do it for Ukraine, why not for Afghanistan? Is it because of our skin colour or because they don’t view the Taliban as the enemy? There may be politics involved but I think there is also systematic racial discrimination. 

    More positively, the appointment of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan is an excellent step. At the moment there is a vacuum of human rights monitoring mechanisms. CSOs can only do so much and having someone working with a UN mandate and the support of the international community is key. The international community should provide the UN Special Rapporteur all the necessary financial and diplomatic support and his recommendations must be taken seriously and implemented.

    Our recent report includes a series of recommendations for the international community to put pressure on the Taliban to ensure accountability for crimes committed against HRDs and to provide financial, diplomatic and political support to Afghan HRDs at risk, including by issuing humanitarian visas and funding resettlement programmes. The international community should use its leverage to pressure the Taliban to create a safer space for HRDs and journalists in Afghanistan. This issue is currently not being addressed adequately at the international and diplomatic level.

    Civic space inAfghanistanis rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
    Follow SRMO Afghanistan via itswebsite and follow@AfgSrmo on Twitter 
  • AFGHANISTAN: ‘The risks posed by Taliban rule are too grave for the international community to ignore’

    Ehsan ShayeganCIVICUS speaks about the situation of human rights and women’s rights in Afghanistan with Ehsan Shayegan, founder and president of the Porsesh Policy Research Institute (PR).

    Initially founded in 2015, and re-established in the USA in 2022, PR is an independent, nonprofit policy research think tank focusing on excluded communities and human rights and working to counter disinformation, misinformation and lack of systematic information. Formerly based in Afghanistan, it was forced to leave the country after the 2021 Taliban takeover and is now based in the USA.

    What’s the current human rights situation in Afghanistan?

    Afghanistan’s human rights situation is extremely concerning. Recent reports indicate a return to traditional Taliban practices, including public executions in stadiums. These executions have occurred in various regions such as Ghazni in southern Afghanistan and Sheberghan in the northern region. Additionally, there have been reports of numerous members of former government forces being killed or disappearing at the hands of the Taliban.

    Arbitrary arrests are rampant, with widespread surveillance through social media and Taliban local intelligence networks. Freedom of speech and expression are not protected under Taliban rule, leading to the imprisonment or silencing of activists advocating for democracy and human rights.

    It is exceedingly challenging to conduct human rights work in Afghanistan. The Taliban persecutes people who oppose their ideology and interests, regardless of the legitimacy of their activism. The level of restrictions and surveillance imposed on activists, journalists and researchers is staggering.

    The situation is particularly dire for women. Misogyny is systemic and women’s access to education and healthcare is severely restricted. The Taliban’s hostility and brutality towards women exacerbate existing patriarchal social structures. Harassment and rapes perpetrated by the Taliban often go unreported due to threats and stigma.

    This is a disturbing reality that the global community should be aware of. It is essential for the international community to take action to address these atrocities.

    How is PR working to address these issues?

    PR originated in the challenging environment of 2015 Kabul, and was established to address the pervasive issues of misinformation, disinformation and the lack of systematic information regarding Afghanistan’s excluded ethnic groups and communities.

    Throughout Afghan history, critical decisions and policies were often based on inaccurate or biased data, serving the interests of political elites. The government and its affiliated institutions exerted significant control over information and lacked genuine commitment to principles of democracy and fairness. As a result, civil society voices, particularly those of minorities, were deliberately excluded across various realms, including education, history, literature and policymaking.

    PR aimed to provide an impartial, community-driven perspective within Afghanistan’s highly politicised information landscape. Despite evolving and expanding our strategic focus areas and geographical coverage, PR remains steadfastly committed to prioritising community needs. In an era marked by rapid advancements in information technologies, PR recognises the importance of maintaining a human-centred and community-centred approach to information.

    Traditional research institutions often focus solely on decision-making centres, but PR believes that in the age of democracy and information, data and research must be shared with the public and decision-makers alike. By using virtual public spaces, PR aims to facilitate the generation and dissemination of information, ultimately fostering a more democratic and informed society.

    As civil society, it is our responsibility to produce and share evidence-based studies of the realities on the ground in Afghanistan and advocate for Afghan people, particularly those most vulnerable under Taliban rule.

    What’s it like to have to work from so far away?

    Working on Afghanistan from a distant location presents significant challenges, primarily because there’s a constant risk of overlooking crucial local perspectives. However, we are fortunate to maintain strong connections with communities in Afghanistan and rely on our local researchers, who we consider the unsung heroes of our work. They assist us in coordinating data collection efforts on the ground. In instances where the safety of our local collaborators is at risk, we use secure virtual means to reach research participants.

    We closely monitor developments in Afghanistan through various channels, including mass and social media, along with insights from our local informants. We rely extensively on our local researchers and informants to gain insights into realities on the ground and verify facts. We maintain daily communication with them to stay updated on unfolding events.

    However, it’s important to note that the Taliban takeover significantly disrupted the flow of information. It requires a deep understanding of Afghanistan’s social dynamics to navigate restrictions and risks. Fear makes it challenging for people to share information freely, so effective data collection requires the establishment of trustful relationships within communities. Overall, working on Afghanistan remotely demands a nuanced approach and a thorough understanding of the risks involved.

    What should be done to keep the attention of the international community on Afghanistan?

    While there has been a noticeable decline in international interest, particularly amid ongoing crises in the Middle East and Ukraine, it’s challenging to imagine Afghanistan fading from global consciousness. The plight of roughly 40 million people subjected to one of the most brutal tyrannies on the planet cannot simply be overlooked.

    The international community is also partly responsible for Afghanistan finding itself in such dire circumstances in the first place. The collapse of Afghanistan represents a failure of collective action. As someone born in Afghanistan and engaging with it professionally, I firmly believe that if it’s left unattended, its problems will continue to haunt the international community indefinitely.

    The risks posed by Taliban rule – ranging from radicalisation to the flourishing opium trade, human rights violations and geopolitical alliances with radical authoritarian governments – are too grave to ignore.

    It’s crucial for the international community to recognise the stark misalignment between Taliban ideology and human rights values. This is often overlooked. Following the US-Taliban Doha agreement in 2020, some believed that a second Taliban rule would be more moderate on issues concerning women’s rights and civil society. But many local activists and researchers remained sceptical, viewing such optimism as based on a misleading, politically motivated narrative.

    The current reality demonstrates they were right. The Taliban continue to hold the entire country hostage, with minimal acceptance of genuine civil society presence or meaningful human rights activism. The international community must listen to authentic local voices and ensure they are included in discussions and decision-making.

    Civic space in Afghanistan is rated ‘closed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

    Get in touch with the Porsesh Policy Research Institute through itswebsite orFacebook page,and follow it on Instagram andTwitter.
  • AFGHANISTAN: ‘The seizure of sovereign assets will worsen the world’s worst humanitarian disaster’

    ArashAzizzadaCIVICUS speaks with Arash Azizzada, co-founder and co-director of Afghans for a Better Tomorrow, about the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. Afghans for A Better Tomorrow is a grassroots civil society organisation (CSO) dedicated tobringing about transformative change for Afghans in the USA and beyond. It has recently advocated for the release of Afghanistan’s frozen assets.

    Why is civil society calling for the return of Afghanistan’s frozen assets?

    Before August 2021, when the USA froze Afghanistan’s assets, Afghanistan’s western-backed government was heavily reliant on foreign aid and was spending most of its revenue on the conflict with the Taliban. Since the Taliban took over, the entire country has essentially found itself sanctioned economically and Da Afghanistan Bank (DAB), its central bank, had all its assets frozen.

    Since the DAB serves as collateral insurance for private banks to be able to operate, the entire banking system has been paralysed as of August 2021. The same goes for the whole Afghan economy: businesses and people cannot access their own hard-earned money to buy food at the market down the street. Philanthropic foundations have trouble sending funds into Afghanistan. This has contributed to soaring inflation, worsened by the rise in food and commodity prices caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine and a record-breaking drought.

    As a result, Afghanistan has become ‘hell on Earth’, as the director of the United Nations (UN) World Food Programme put it. Over 21 million Afghans don’t know where their next meal will come from. Every women-led Afghan household currently faces poverty and hunger as the country’s healthcare system teeters on the brink of collapse.

    The consensus among Afghan civil society, both within and outside the country, is that the seizure of sovereign assets that belong to the Afghan people is a violation of international norms and will worsen the world’s worst humanitarian disaster. Through grassroots organising, high-level advocacy and litigation, the Afghan American community has stepped up to bring the frozen assets back to their rightful owner: the Afghan people.

    At the same time, following the blocking of Afghan assets, a group of families in the USA who had secured rulings against the Taliban connected to its role in the 9/11 attacks filed a civil case in a federal court to enforce those rulings using the frozen DAB funds. In February 2022, President Joe Biden signed an executive order allocating half of the more than US$7 billion that the previous government of Afghanistan had placed in the New York Federal Reserve for humanitarian relief in Afghanistan and leaving half subject to litigation brought by some of the 9/11 families.

    As part of a broad coalition of Afghan-American groups representing the community, we filed an amicus – friend of the court – brief stating that the court should oppose this for a variety of reasons, including the fact that the Taliban are not recognised as the legitimate rulers of Afghanistan by its people or the international community. The money belongs to the Afghan people, not the Taliban. And although 9/11 families deserve compensation, doing it this way would harm Afghans and not the Taliban.

    What kind of safeguards should be put in place if the frozen assets are returned?

    While the Taliban might be the de facto rulers of most of Afghanistan, they remain untrustworthy and illegitimate. But the DAB continues to be function as a technocratic body, so frozen funds should be returned as long as there is proper ring-fencing and enhanced safeguards such as electronic auditing records to ensure the reserves are not interfered with by the Taliban.

    Our proposed plan recommends an initial trust-building process in which a conditional amount of US$150-200 million a month is released so that the DAB is allowed to perform its core functions. The funds ought to be used to regulate the Afghan currency and run US dollar auctions to inject liquidity into the struggling economy and ease the pain of the Afghan population. Not one cent of these funds should be used for humanitarian aid purposes.

    What should the international community do to contribute to improving the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan?

    International philanthropy and the international community should support a fledging Afghan civil society, and especially the women’s groups that remain operational within the country, by ensuring wide-ranging sanctions relief.

    As it stands, the entire Afghan population is on the receiving end of collective punishment due to the sanctions imposed on the Afghan state. As the world has become hostile to doing business in the country, the World Bank and other international institutions should continue to focus on funding economic development projects and ensure the healthcare system remains functional.

    The international community should work hard to differentiate between targeted sanctions that focus on individuals within the Taliban and projects that ensure Afghans have a chance at survival. As one example, direct cash assistance to the Afghan population remains a much more effective and equitable method of assistance than trying to truck in food for a population of over 21 million people and helping circumvent Taliban attempts at interfering with aid.

    The UN appeal for humanitarian aid for Afghanistan still remains US$2 billion short of its target. There is a strong need for donor countries to fill that gap. Much of it should be filled by the NATO member countries that occupied Afghanistan for 20 years.

     

    What alternative measures, other than financial sanctions, can the international community implement to promote human rights and support civil society in Afghanistan?

    A core demand remains the non-recognition of the Taliban government, which is deepening its repression and remains unrepresentative of the Afghan population. It is important that the international community listens to the voices of Afghan civil society, and specifically those of Afghan women leaders and the minority Hazara and Shia communities.

    The most vital thing at this moment is a strengthened mandate by the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan to document and monitor human rights violations as well as support accurate and free media in the country. Significant UN presence on the ground will be key as Afghanistan faces a deteriorating human and women’s rights situation.

    Civic space in Afghanistan is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

    Get in touch with Afghans for a Better Tomorrow through itswebsite orFacebook page,and follow@AfghansTomorrow on Twitter.
  • Afghanistan: Assault on civic space persists two years after Taliban takeover

    AfghanWomanTalibanOn 15 August 2021, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan and unleashed a systematic assault on civic space. 

    Following the takeover, civil society organisations were targeted for their work. The Taliban raided their offices and froze their bank accounts forcing many CSO offices to close. The Taliban also repressed protests, especially by women’s rights activists, disrupting their demonstrations by firing shots into the air, detaining, interrogating and ill-treating them. In some cases, teargas and batons were used. 

    Activists have been arbitrarily arrested and detained for their criticism of the Taliban. Others have faced harassment, intimidation, and violence and some have been killed. Journalists face increased risks following the Taliban takeover with scores arrested, detained, tortured or ill-treated, or attacked for covering the situation on the ground. The Taliban also shut down key institutions including the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC).

    The international community took some steps in response to the situation in Afghanistan in the aftermath of the takeover by the Taliban.  It  appointed a Special Rapporteur to monitor the status of human rights in Afghanistan in October 2021 and in December 2021, the UN General Assembly, indefinitely postponed international recognition of the Taliban government. 

    However, these efforts have failed to halt the repression of fundamental freedoms and two years on the violations have escalated leading to the downgrade of Afghanistan’s civic space ratings by the CIVICUS Monitor from ‘repressed’ to ‘closed’ in March 2023 

    The following are some of the civil and political rights violations the CIVICUS Monitor has documented in Afghanistan over the last year:

    Human rights defenders arrested and ill-treated

    Over the last year activists especially women human rights defenders have faced arbitrary arrests and detention by the Taliban. Women’s human rights defender Zarifa Yaqobi and four of her colleagues were reportedly detained by Taliban intelligence agents on 3 November 2022 in western Kabul. Yaqobi had been involved in women’s protests and was apparently taking part in a press conference where a new women’s organisation was being launched at the time of her arrest. On 8 November 2022, young activist Farhat Popalzai was arrested by the Taliban. She is one of the founders of the ‘Spontaneous Movement of Afghan Women’.

    In February 2023 women’s rights activist Parisa Mobarez, a founder of the Takhar Women’s Protest Movement and her brother were arrested at her home in Takhar province and badly beaten by the Taliban after she refused to provide her mobile phone password. On the same day, women’s rights activist Nargis Sadat, who had been involved in organising protest activities was arrested at a checkpoint in Kabul and detained for two months. 

    On 8 March 2023, women’s rights activist Habiba Sharifi was detained alongside her father in Ghor province. She was arrested after she held a solo protest outside the provincial governor’s office on International Women’s Day. She was forced to sign a statement that they would not take part in any further anti-Taliban protests. In the same month, women’s rights activist Waheeda Mahrami was detained in the capital Kabul on 20 March and held for four days after having referred to the Taliban’s policies towards women as ‘gender apartheid’ on International Women’s Day. 

    Education activist Matiullah Wesa was detained by the Taliban on 27 March 2023 outside a mosque in Kabul where he was attending evening prayers. He has been bringing education services to remote communities since 2009 via his PenPath NGO. 

    Targeting of journalists and banning media outlets

    The clamp down on journalists and media workers has persisted. The Taliban have raided media offices, confiscated equipment, and detained journalists. Some have been tortured and ill-treated. The Taliban has also imposed restrictions on the content that can be published or broadcast and many media outlets have been shut down. For the few independent news sources operating in the country, many journalists are self-censoring due to safety concerns.

    Taliban officials on 3 October 2022 banned two media outlets - the Hasht-e Subh Daily and Zawia News outlets - for publishing ‘false propaganda’ against the Taliban. In November 2022 the Taliban blocked two international radio stations - Radio Azadi (run by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty) and Voice of America’s (VoA) Dari and Pashto services - from broadcasting inside the country, accusing them of distributing ‘biased’ news and violating media principles.

    A radio journalist was detained in northern Takhar province on 9 December 2022 by armed police and taken to the provincial headquarters of the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), where his interrogators said his radio station’s broadcasts had not been approved. They allegedly beat the journalist with an iron rod, administered electric shocks, and suffocated him with a plastic bag.

    Afghan-French reporter Mortaza Behboudi was detained in January 2023, two days after entering Afghanistan while waiting for press accreditation. After being held in Kabul for 11 days he was transferred to another prison in Kabul and is said to be accused of spying. In February 2023 local journalist Mohmmadyar Majrooh was detained in the southern city of Kandahar and held for 5 days. He was detained after being summoned to meet officials from the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI).

    In June 2023, journalist Raza Shahir was detained and beaten for two days when he returned to Afghanistan to arrange visa paperwork, having previously moved to Iran for his safety. On 12 July 2023, officers with the Taliban General Directorate of Intelligence stopped journalist Irfanullah Baidar near the Eidgah Mosque in the eastern city of Jalalabad, covered his head with a sack and forced him into a vehicle, He was released on 24 July 2023. The Taliban did not issue any official statement regarding his arrest or subsequent release.

    Crackdown on protests

    The Taliban have continued to crackdown on protests over the last year especially by women’s rights activists around their right to education and employment with some arbitrarily arrested and ill-treated.

    In September 2022, protests in eastern Paktia province, prompted by the Taliban’s re-closure of girls’ schools was dispersed by Taliban soldiers firing warning shots in the air. The Taliban also warned local journalists not to cover the protest. In the same month, Taliban security forces snatched and tore the banners before firing in the air to disperse a rally by women held a rally outside the Iranian embassy in the capital Kabul in solidary with protests taking place in neighbouring Iran.

    In October 2022, around 100 women reportedly marched in the western city of Herat on 2 October 2022 for education rights The Taliban beat participants with sticks and fired in the air to disperse them; one woman claimed a Taliban soldier grabbed her hijab and her hair and pushed her to the ground. A group of female university students wanted to join the Herat rally but were prevented from doing so by Taliban soldiers, who locked them inside a university building and threatened them with a pistol. Several women participating in a rally in December 2022 in Kabul after the university ban on women was announced were beaten by Taliban soldiers. Female students in Herat were beaten with tree branches and also was pushed back with a water cannon as they attempted to hold a demonstration. 

    A small group of young women were reportedly hit with whips by Taliban soldiers when they attempted to hold a peaceful protest outside Kabul university on 6 March 2023 on their right to education. Their protest was held to mark the beginning of yet another academic year while girls are still banned from secondary school and university. At another peaceful rally later that month, three women protesters were detained in Kabul on 26 March 2023 and interrogated overnight before being released the following day. The women were reportedly forced to sign documents vowing not to talk to the media or take part in any further protest activities. 

    Around 50 women gathered in the Shar-e Naw district of the capital and held banners after the de facto authorities said that they would forcibly close beauty salons. Taliban security forces reportedly fired shots into the air, beat women with rods and used water cannon to disperse the gathering. Some protesters reported the Taliban had used electric stun guns against demonstrators. Others said their phones had been confiscated.

    Women barred from university, working in NGOs and the UN

    The Taliban continued to expand restrictions on all aspects of women’s lives banning girls and women from education above a sixth grade level, banning women from most employment and imposing severe restrictions on the ability of women and girls to travel. The end of 2022 saw a further deterioration in the already dire human rights situation when the Taliban banned women from attending university, sparking international condemnation.

    In December 2022, the acting Minister of Economy issued a letter barring woman from working in international and national NGOs, citing the non-observance of Islamic dress rules and other laws and regulations of the Islamic Emirate as reasons for the decision. The ministry said that non-compliance will result in revoking the licences of NGOs. The ban has prompted several major aid organisations to suspend their operations, worsening the humanitarian crisis. Following this, the Taliban in April 2023 banned Afghan women from working for the UN in the country.

    Critical academics detained

    Academics critical of the Taliban have been arrested in order to silence them. University Professor Ismail Mashal was detained on 2 February 2023 by the Taliban while he was handing out free books in the capital Kabul. Mashal became well known in December 2022 for ripping up his academic qualifications on national television in protest at the Taliban’s ban on women attending universities. 

    Another university lecturer, Zakaria Osuli was detained the day before in Kaul. Osuli, a lecturer and writer from Panjshir had reportedly recently published a book about Ahmad Shah Massoud, a late anti-Taliban military commander. He was held for more than two months and finally released on 10 April 2023.

    University lecturer - Mohammad Ismail Rahmani – was detained on 18th February 2023, reportedly in connection with his writings and social media activism. Academic Rasul Abdi Parsi was detained in early March 2023. His arrest was reportedly linked to Facebook posts. 

    Silencing of artists 

    Artists in Afghanistan have come under increasing attack from the Taliban. In January 2023, the Taliban arrested Musa Shahin, a local singer of Panjshir province. They transferred him to an unknown location where he was allegedly tortured. Musa Shahin sings songs about Panjshir, a province which is one of the main bases of the resistance forces against the Taliban. Poet Haseeb Ahrari was reportedly detained from his home on 1 June 2023 shortly after he returned to Afghanistan from Iran. He had posted poetry discussing freedom and patriotism on social media and is originally from Panjshir province, which is a centre of anti-Taliban resistance.

    The de facto authorities are also attempting to ban music. The Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice said in June that wedding halls in Kabul would no longer be allowed to play music. The ministry in July 2023 that it had destroyed a batch of instruments that had been ‘used to promote music and immorality’. 

    Social media restrictions

    The Ministry of Telecommunications announced on in September 2022 that they would ban TikTok but Afghans use VPNs to get around such restrictions. Social media content producers have also been targeted by the Taliban. Local reports suggest that at least 13 YouTubers and their colleagues were detained during November and December 2022. Most of these people were released relatively quickly, but they were threatened to stop their activities, and some had their filming equipment destroyed or stolen.

    The international response

    While the UN and states have documented violations and condemned the crackdown in civic space and other abuses by the Taliban there has been a lack of progress in establishing an effective accountability mechanism and ensuring the inclusion of women rights activists in dialogues on Afghanistan. 

    On 6 September 2022, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Afghanistan released his first report. The report highlighted the clampdown on press freedom, the detention and ill-treatment of journalists and media workers as well as physical attacks, threats, intimidation and harassment. It also documented how the Taliban have increasingly limited the freedom of peaceful assembly and the rapidly shrinking civic space and constant pressure human rights organisations, are subjected to.

    The 51st session of the UN Human Rights Council discussed Afghanistan in September 2022, but failed to agree on an expanded monitoring mechanism despite calls from multiple local, regional and international human rights organisations. The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution on 10 November 2022 accusing the Taliban of violating the human rights of Afghan women and girls, failing to establish a representative government, and plunging the country into "dire economic, humanitarian and social conditions." 

    In another report published in February 2023, the UN Special Rapporteur identified a pattern of ‘rapidly shrinking civic space’. In it, he expresses concerns that: “human rights defenders, who peacefully protest the increased restrictions on women and girls, are at heightened risk and have been increasingly beaten and arrested. The intention is clearly not only to punish them for protesting, but also to deter others from protesting.”

    A Security Council resolution in March 2023 asked the UN to conduct and provide to the Security Council, by 17 November, “an integrated, independent assessment” with “forward-looking recommendations for an integrated and coherent approach among relevant political, humanitarian, and development actors” to the crisis in Afghanistan. The resolution called for the assessment to include consultations with relevant stakeholders, including Afghan women.

    In April 2023, Afghan women protested against statements made by Amina Mohammed, Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, that suggested the international community should officially recognise Taliban rule. Women activists also called out their exclusion from a two-day closed-door meeting in Qatar organised by the UN on Afghanistan.

    Following an eight-day joint visit to Afghanistan in early May 2023, UN experts reported an extreme situation of institutionalised gender-based discrimination unparalleled anywhere in the world.

    During an Enhanced Interactive Dialogue at the UN Human Rights Council on 19 June 2023, Afghan activists and civil society pointed to the continued lack of serious and sustained attention of the international community despite the grave situation in Afghanistan, and the urgent need for an accountability mechanism has not diminished.

    Recommendations to the international community 

    • Publicly urge the Taliban to respect human rights, including fundamental freedoms in line with international human rights law and standards. 
    • Call on the Taliban to ensure all people in Afghanistan can exercise their rights to the freedoms of association, peaceful assembly and expression, and release immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders detained including Mathiullah Wesa
    • Call on the Taliban to revoke their ban on Afghan women working for the UN and NGOs
    • Take proactive steps to provide immediate practical support and protection to human rights defenders, journalists and civil society activists at risk. 
    • Provide Afghan human rights defenders in exile with financial, diplomatic and political support, including by issuing humanitarian visas and effective funding resettlement programmes. 
    • Ensure that UNAMA has a robust mandate to monitor and report on human rights and has the resources and capacity to extend its reach, and support local organisations to carry out their human rights work. 
    • Continue to support, strengthen and sufficiently fund the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan and urge the Taliban to co-operate fully with the mandate. 
    • Support efforts to investigate all alleged violations of international human rights law, international humanitarian law and other serious human rights violations, including gendered dimensions of such violations and abuses, by all parties in Afghanistan, via the establishment of an independent investigative mechanism, such as a fact-finding mission or commission of inquiry, mandated by the UN Human Rights Council. 
    • Call on the UN Security Council to facilitate inclusive, intra-Afghan peace talks with the effective representation of human rights defenders, particularly women and representation from all ethnic groups, and include guarantees of safety and effective and equitable representation of views. 
    • Offer strong political and practical support to the International Criminal Court’s investigation on Afghanistan and provide adequate resources to allow the Office of the Prosecutor to investigate all crimes perpetrated by all parties to the conflict in Afghanistan. 
    • Ensure that political recognition and representation is not extended to Taliban-affiliated authorities.
      Civic space in Afghanistan is rated as CLOSED by the CIVICUS Monitor
  • Afghanistan: Assault on peaceful protests highlight deteriorating space for civic freedoms

    Global civil society alliance CIVICUS condemns the excessive use of force and arbitrary arrests by Taliban security forces as they crack down on protests in Afghanistan. Such actions highlight the deteriorating space for civic freedoms in the country and the need to ensure independent mechanisms to hold Taliban authorities accountable.
  • Afghanistan: CIVICUS stands in solidarity with Save the Children

    Global civil society alliance, CIVICUS condemns the horrific attack on the office and staff of Save the Children in Jalalabad, eastern Afghanistan. We stand in solidarity with Save the Children and applaud the resolute courage of colleagues who continue their important work in very difficult circumstances.
  • Afghanistan: Demande pour exhorter les talibans à respecter les droits humains et faciliter le processus de fuite des Afghans vers l’Australie

    Hon. Scott Morrison
    Prime Minister of Australia 
    Parliament House
    CANBERRA ACT 2600

    CC

    Minister of Home Affairs 
    Hon Karen Andrew 
    Minister of Foreign Affairs 
    Hon Hon Marise Payne 

    Monsieur le Premier Ministre:

    Nous, soussignées, organisations de la société civile de différentes régions du monde, vous écrivons dans le cadre de la crise actuelle en Afghanistan, qui a suivi la chute du gouvernement du président Ashraf Ghani. Nous vous écrivons parce qu’il est urgent que la communauté internationale soutienne les défenseurs des droits humains, les représentants de la société civile et les journalistes qui tentent de fuir l’Afghanistan pour échapper aux actions potentiellement violentes des talibans. Dans les semaines à venir, il y a fort à craindre que les avancées accomplies en matière de  réalisations des droits humains au cours des 20 dernières années en Afghanistan soient rapidement remises en cause. 

    Comme vous le savez, les défenseurs des droits humains, en particulier ceux qui défendent les droits des femmes, les journalistes, et ceux associés aux groupes de la société civile, ont été victimes de violentes attaques, de menaces et d’intimidations de la part des talibans. Au cours des dernières années, CIVICUS et d’autres organisations de défense des droits humains ont documenté (en anglais) ces attaques ainsi que la très grande impunité dont jouissent leurs auteurs. Le Comité Afghan des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (AHRDC) a récemment rapporté (en anglais)que 17 défenseurs des droits humains avaient été tués rien qu’entre septembre 2020 et mai 2021. Plus de 200 défenseurs des droits humains et représentants des médias ont déclaré avoir reçu de graves menaces. Ces menaces se sont amplifiées compte tenu des conditions actuelles de conflit et de l’instabilité politique.

    Les talibans ont la réputation de violer les droits humains et d’attaquer des civils en toute impunité. Les femmes et les enfants ont fait les frais de ces attaques et beaucoup ont été empêchés de travailler et ont un accès limité à l’éducation et aux soins de santé. La déclaration (en anglais)du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies António Guterres du 16 août 2021 exhortant la communauté internationale à parler d’une seule voix pour défendre les droits humains en Afghanistan est un pas dans la bonne direction. Nous notons également les préoccupations (en anglais)exprimées par le Haut-Commissaire aux Droits de l’Homme au sujet des premières indications selon lesquelles les talibans imposent de sévères restrictions aux droits humains dans les zones sous leur contrôle, ciblant en particulier les femmes.

    Comme on pouvait s’y attendre, de nombreux défenseurs des droits humains tentent de quitter le pays et nous avons reçu des informations selon lesquelles certains sont empêchés de monter à bord des avions, car les missions étrangères ont donné la priorité à l’évacuation de leurs propres ressortissants et de leur personnel. D’autres se sont cachés et craignent pour leur vie, et d’autres attendent l’inévitable. Les femmes qui ont milité pendant des années pour l’égalité des droits et une participation égale dans les espaces publics, y compris le processus de paix, ont fait l’objet de représailles.

    Nous prenons note des informations selon lesquelles au moins 3000 réfugiés afghans pourront se rendre en Australie au cours des dix prochains mois, et selon lesquelles les détenteurs de visas afghans actuellement en Australie ne seront pas invités à retourner en Afghanistan tant que leur sécurité est menacée. Cependant, il reste encore beaucoup à faire. La communauté internationale a la responsabilité, en vertu du droit international des droits de l’homme et du droit humanitaire, de protéger les droits des Afghans, et l’un des moyens d’y parvenir est de permettre un voyage en tout sécurité à ceux qui sont en danger s’ils restent en Afghanistan.

    Honorable Premier ministre, nous exhortons votre gouvernement à s’entretenir en urgence avec les ministères concernés en Australie, afin d’élaborer un plan d’action national pour orienter la réponse de l’Australie face à la crise afghane. 

    Nous vous demandons de prioriser les actions suivantes dans le plan d’action ;

    • Appeler publiquement les talibans à respecter les droits humains, y compris les droits des filles et des femmes et les libertés fondamentales conformément au droit et aux normes internationaux relatifs aux droits humains.
    • Donner la priorité à l’octroi de sauf-conduits et de documents de voyage aux Afghans exposés à un risque accru de persécution de la part des talibans en raison de leur travail ou de leur statut antérieur, ainsi qu’aux membres de leur famille proche.
    • Exhorter les ambassades et missions australiennes à travers le monde à alléger les exigences de voyage pour les défenseurs des droits humains et les représentants de la société civile d’Afghanistan qui pourraient chercher à se rendre en Australie.
    • Créer un environnement favorable en Australie de nature à permettre à tous les Afghans qui fuient de se remettre des pressions psychosociales qu’ils ont endurées en Afghanistan et des angoisses qu’ils peuvent connaître en s’installant dans un nouveau pays.
    • S’engager à fournir un nouveau programme d’appui aux groupes de la société civile à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de l’Afghanistan qui contribue à la réinstallation des réfugiés, ou bien qui sensibilise sur les besoins humanitaires et les droits humains.
    • Soutenir la création d’un mécanisme indépendant d’enquête et de redevabilité qui prenne en compte le genre lors de la session extraordinaire du Conseil des Droits de l’Homme des Nations Unies sur l’Afghanistan prévue le 24 août 2021.

    Signatures:

    1. #TrustYourStruggleMovement
    2. ABAC
    3. Abraham's Children Foundation
    4. ACAT TOGO
    5. Accountability Lab
    6. ACDIEF
    7. ACP-DYSS
    8. ACT FOR CHANGE OU AGIR POUR LE CHANGEMENT 
    9. Action des Volontaires pour la Solidarité et le Développement AVSD
    10. Action for Community Transformation Initiative South Sudan
    11. Action for Humanity & Social Progress
    12. Action for Socio-political and Economic Change
    13. Actions Collectives pour le Développement Social, ACODES
    14. Actions for Development and Empowerment
    15. Actions pour la Lutte Contre les Injustices Sociales (ALCIS)
    16. Adult Learning Forum 
    17. Advance Centre for peace and credibility international and One Life Count Empowerment Foundation
    18. AFEDI
    19. AFeJE Bénin ONG
    20. Africa Rise Foundation 
    21. African Center for Solidarity and Mutual Aid between the Community (CASEC|ACSAC)
    22. African Development and Peace Initiative (ADPI)
    23. AFRICAN FOUNDATION FOR ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT (AFED)
    24. African Leaders Hub
    25. African Network of Youth Policy Experts
    26. African Youth Empowerment and Capacity Building Academy AYECBA 
    27. Afrihealth Optonet Association
    28. Agrupación Fe
    29. AJAD (Association des Jeunes Africains pour le Développement Durable)
    30. Alliance for Development and Population Services-ADEPS
    31. Alliance for Gender Justice and Human Rights
    32. ALUCHOTO
    33. Alvin tech 
    34. Amahoro Human Respect 
    35. Amani community based organization
    36. América Diversa Inc
    37. Amicale des Jeunes Chrétiens pour le Développement, AJECDE
    38. Amnesty International
    39. Angels in the Field
    40. Anuesp
    41. APPUI SOLIDAIRE POUR LE RENFORCEMENT DE L AIDE AU DEVELOPPEMENT
    42. Arcfrancis Foundation
    43. AROHI
    44. ARPE
    45. Asaasiam Vision International
    46. Asian Academy for Peace, Research and Development
    47. Asociación Civil, Colectivo para la Participación de la Infancia y Juventud 
    48. Asociacion Desplazada Nuevo Renacer
    49. Asociación Unión de Talleres 11 de Septiembre 
    50. Association des Amis de la Nature 
    51. Association des Jeunes pour le Développement et la Protection des Droits de l'Homme
    52. Association for Advancement of Human Rights 
    53. Association For Promotion Sustainable Development 
    54. Association for Reproductive and Family Health Burundi 
    55. Association Nigérienne pour la Démocratie et la gouvernance inclusive
    56. Association pour les victimes du monde
    57. Badhon ManobUnnayan Sangstha
    58. Bangladesh Institute of Human Rights (BIHR)     
    59. Banlieues Du Monde Mauritanie 
    60. Bareedo Platform Somalia 
    61. Beautiful Hearts NGO
    62. Benimbuto
    63. BIHDP
    64. Biso peuple
    65. BOACSE TANZANIA
    66. Breaking Out Mental Health
    67. Brothers keeper NGO
    68. Burundi Child Rights Coalition (BCRC)
    69. CA Comrades Association Namibia
    70. CAHURAST, Nepal
    71. Campaña Defender la Libertad: Asunto de Todas
    72. Capellanes Conacce
    73. Care for Social Welfare International 
    74. CareMe E-clinic
    75. Center for civil society development PROTECTA
    76. Center for Communities Education and Youth Development
    77. Center for Public Health Laws Social Economic Rights and Advocacy
    78. Center for Social Integrity 
    79. Centre d’Actions pour le Développement 
    80. Centre de support aux personnes handicapées
    81. Centre for environment, media and development communication
    82. Centre for Good Governance and Social Justice
    83. Centre for Inclusion and Empowerment
    84. Centre for Peace and Justice (CPJ)
    85. Centre for Social Mobilization and Sustainable Development(CENSODEV)
    86. Centre for Sustainable Development and Education in Africa
    87. Centre Oecuménique pour la Promotion du Monde Rural
    88. Centro Cultural Equidad y Género
    89. Centro de Análisis Político
    90. Centro de Estudios y Apoyo al Desarrollo Local
    91. Cercle de Réflexion sur le Développement Humain et les Changements Climatiques CERDHUCC
    92. CFF-Ghana 
    93. CHALLENGES International
    94. Chambre Transversale des Jeunes Entrepreneurs du Burundi
    95. CHILDREN AND YOUNG PEOPLE LIVING FOR PEACE(CYPLP)
    96. Children and Youth for Peace Agency - Sierra Leone (CYPA-SL)
    97. Chinland Development Network CDN Myanmar, and Pyinkhonegyi Phunsang Pawlkom -3P
    98. Civic Engagement Initiatives Trust
    99. CIVICUS
    100. Centre International de Formation des de l'homme pour le Développement  de Kisangani, Province de la Tshopo
    101. Climate Tracker 
    102. CO-OPERATIVE FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
    103. Coalition des organisations pour la promotion des droits des travailleurs de sexe et transgenre
    104. Coalition of youth organizations SEGA
    105. Colectivo Jóvenes Por El Cambio
    106. Colectivo Seres, A.C.
    107. Commission internationale des droits de l'homme au Tchad
    108. Commission on Human Rights
    109. Community Development Foundation
    110. Community for Peace Foundation(COPEF)
    111. Community Health Education Sports Initiative Zambia
    112. Community Support Center / CSC-Asbl
    113. Comunidad de Organizaciones Solidarias
    114. Connecticut Institute for Social Entrepreneurship
    115. Connecting Gender for Development 
    116. Consortium of Ethiopian Human Rights Organizations
    117. Construisons Ensemble le monde
    118. consultando soluciones
    119. ControlaTuGobierno A.C.
    120. Convention Nationale pour le Dialogue et le Règlement Pacifique des conflits au Tchad _CONDIRECT 
    121. COSAD BENIN
    122. Crisis Resolving Centre (CRC) 
    123. DAKILA
    124. Determined Society Organization
    125. Development and Service Centre (DESC)
    126. Differentabilities
    127. Digital Rights Activist 
    128. Earthforce Fight Squad NGO
    129. East Eagle Foundation
    130. Ecology Africa Foundation
    131. Edtech for Africa 
    132. EJO YOUTH EMPOWERMENT
    133. ELOSAN VISION
    134. Entaxis - Action for inclusion and Education
    135. Equality Rights Africa Organization
    136. Espérance Mères et Enfants en RDC "EME-RDC"
    137. Ethiopian Initiative for Human Rights 
    138. Euphrates Institute-Liberia
    139. Euro-Mediterranean Resources Network
    140. Fair Africa
    141. FAMA
    142. Family Visions Child Trust
    143. FEDERACION PROVINCIAL DE ORGANIZACIONES CAMPESINAS DE ZAMORA CHINCHIPE
    144. Fédération des ONG de la région du Goh
    145. Feminist Centre 
    146. Fight Against Aids Guinee West Africa
    147. FINESTE
    148. Forums Territorial de la Jeunesse Martiniquaise 
    149. Fraternity Foundation For Human Rights 
    150. FSM Alliance of NGOs (FANGO) 
    151. Fundacion Arcoiris por el respeto a la diversidad sexual
    152. Fundación Ciudadanía y Desarrollo
    153. Fundación Ecuatoriana Equidad
    154. Fundación T.E.A. Trabajo, Educación, Ambiente
    155. Fundación Váyalo
    156. Fundimma
    157. Future leaders Society
    158. Gender Accountability for Peace and Security 
    159. Gender Equality Club
    160. Ghana Youth Environmental Movement
    161. Gibson Chisale
    162. Gidan Dutse Multipurpose Concept 
    163. Give Hope Uganda
    164. Global Participe
    165. Global Socio-economic and Financial Evolution Network (GSFEN)
    166. Global Young Greens
    167. Golden Change for Concerned Youth Forum
    168. Grassroot Development Support and Rural Enlightenment Initiative
    169. Gutu United Residents and Ratepayers Association-GURRA
    170. H.E.R.O.
    171. Haakro Welfare Association
    172. HAKI Africa
    173. Halley Movement Coalition
    174. Hamdam Foundation
    175. Hear Their Voice International (HTVI)
    176. Hidden and Emerging Treasures Initiative
    177. Hondureños Contra el SIDA
    178. Hope for Vulnerable Children Association
    179. Hope Porters Foundation 
    180. Hope Worldwide-Pakistan 
    181. Hub Ciencia Emprende
    182. Human Rights
    183. HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement 
    184. I BAMBINI DELL 'AFRICA ONLUS
    185. IAW
    186. ICCA asbl(Icirore C'Amahoro asbl)
    187. ICYE Nigeria
    188. IDA Rwanda
    189. Ikage
    190. Imbali Western Cape and Adult Learning Forum
    191. Inclusive Bangladesh
    192. Independent humanitarian worker
    193. India Youth For Society
    194. Infinite hope for vulnerable Africa
    195. Initiatives des Femmes en Situations Difficiles pour le Développement Durable et Intégré, IFESIDDI
    196. Innpactia
    197. Inspirers
    198. Institute of Sisters of Mercy of Australia and Papua New Guinea
    199. Institute of Youth, women welfare
    200. Instituto de asilencia para adictos a.c.
    201. Instituto de Educación Cibernética Automotriz Robótica y Electrónica 
    202. Integrated Agricultural Association (I.A.A)
    203. Intelligent initiative for Peace & Security Consciousness  
    204. INTER-ACTIONS ONG
    205. Intercedes youth empowerment
    206. International Association for Migrant Support
    207. International Association for Political Science Students
    208. International Development Opportunity Initiative
    209. International Human Rights Council 
    210. International Society for Peace and Safety 
    211. Intersection Association for Rights and Freedoms
    212. Jade Propuestas Sociales y Alternativas al Desarrollo, A.C.
    213. Jesmak health & Safety Center
    214. Jesus Vazquez Garcia
    215. JEUNES LEADER DU MALI
    216. Jeunesse Assistance
    217. Justice Call
    218. Justice Initiative for the Disadvantaged and Oppressed Persons
    219. JusticeMakers Bangladesh 
    220. Kadiwaku Foundation
    221. Kanika Khurana
    222. kathak academy(KA)UNCSO(ECOSOC)
    223. Kenneth and Jacob's House
    224. Kijana Hai Foundation 
    225. KITUMAINI ASBL
    226. Knit Together Initiative 
    227. Koneta 
    228. Kwapda'as Road Safety Demand Foundation
    229. Lamu coastal indigenous people's rights for development (LCIPRD)
    230. Leaders for Leaders Champion 
    231. Leadership Development Association Bangladesh
    232. Liberia Sexual Gender Base Violence Movement LSGBV 
    233. Ligue Burundaise des droits de l'homme Iteka
    234. Local Communities Development Initiative 
    235. LOCAL SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITIES ORGANISATION (LOSCO)
    236. Locate i
    237. Love Alliance Foundation for Orphans, Disabled and Abandoned Persons in Nigeria 
    238. Lupus Initiative Uganda 
    239. Lutheran world federation
    240. Mahatma phule samaj seva mandal 
    241. Manica Youth Assembly 
    242. Masombo The Life/NGO
    243. Mémorial des victimes des conflits armés en République Démocratique du Congo
    244. Men 4 Equality
    245. MENA Research and Conferences
    246. Mercy Sisters 
    247. Merowa junior school Kampala
    248. Mike’s New Generation Vision
    249. MILES CHILE
    250. Mouvement Citoyen Ras-Le-Bol
    251. Mouvement INAMAHORO, Femmes & Filles pour la Paix & la Securite
    252. Movilizatorio
    253. Movimiento Juvenil Indígena de la Moskitia - Mark Rivas (MOJIMM) 
    254. MPS GABON
    255. MUDDH - MOVIMIENTO UNIDO POR LA DEFENSA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS
    256. Municipal youth network-Nepal
    257. MUP'S COMMUNICATION
    258. Ñañaykuna
    259. National  Women Sudanese Association
    260. National Association of Youth Organizations (NAYO)
    261. National Campaign for Sustainable Development Nepal
    262. NEW ERA MOVEMENT
    263. NGO Federation of Nepal (NFN)
    264. Nigeria Youth SDGs Network
    265. Nigerian Global Affairs Council
    266. Noem Elderly Iutreach Uganda
    267. North Rift Human Rights Network
    268. North-East Affected Area Development Society (NEADS)
    269. Northern Initiative for Community Empowerment
    270. Nouveaux Droits de l'homme Congo Brazzaville
    271. Observatoire National pour la Démocratie et l’Environnement ONADE
    272. Oil Refinery Residents Association
    273. Onelife Initiative for Human Development
    274. ONG ADOKA
    275. ONG CRI DES JEUNES ET FEMMES VULNERABLES, CJFV.
    276. ONG Good Neighbors
    277. ONG ICON Niger 
    278. ONG ITODJU
    279. ONG María Acoge
    280. Organisation Internationale des volontaires des Nations Unies 
    281. Organisation pour la protection des droits de l'homme 
    282. Organizando Trans Diversidades (Asociación OTD Chile)
    283. Organization of the Justice Campaign
    284. OTRANS-RN 
    285. Otro Tiempo México AC
    286. Pahel Pakistan 
    287. Pan - African Peacemakers Alliance (PAPA)
    288. PARIVARTHANA
    289. PAWA - Pacific Australian Womens Association
    290. Peace Education and Practice Network (PEPNET)
    291. People's health movement
    292. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy
    293. Peoples Federation for National Peace and Development (PEFENAP)
    294. PJUD-BENIN ONG
    295. Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance 
    296. Plateforme nationale des organisations de la société civile pour la lutte contre le VIH et Tuberculose 
    297. POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT INITIATIVE (PDI)
    298. Programme d'Appui à la Lutte contre la Pauvreté pour l'Emergence et la Restauration d'un développement durable
    299. Progressive Single Mothers Network
    300. Red de Desaparecidos en Tamaulipas 
    301. REDECIM
    302. Redemption Research for Health and Educational Development Society(RRHEDS)
    303. Redlad
    304. REFUGEES PARLIAMENTARIANS FOR PEACE-RPP 
    305. Regional Network of Children and Young People Trust 
    306. Réseau des Organisations de la Société Civile pour l'Observation et le Suivi des Élections en Guinée (ROSE) 
    307. Réseau Nigérien Anti-Corruption
    308. RIHRDO (Rural Infrastructure and Human Resource Development Organization )
    309. Rising Winners Youth Empowerment Initiative (RWYEI)
    310. RNDDH
    311. Rotary Club of Alabang Madrigal Business Park
    312. RUKIGA FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT (RUFODE)
    313. Rural Development Foundation
    314. Ryht Group 
    315. Safe employee and volunteer
    316. Sahiba Foundation
    317. SAPI Child international
    318. Save the Climat
    319. Savie asbl NGO LGBTIQ PGEL Congo DRC
    320. Sehzoor Life Organization 
    321. Service Workers In Group Foundation Uganda 
    322. Shanduko Yeupenyu Child Care
    323. She & Peer
    324. Shibganj Integrated Development Society
    325. Sierra Leone School Green Clubs (SLSGC)
    326. Sierra Leone Unites
    327. Siyakholwa Support Care Centre 
    328. Social Action For Empowerment and Relief 
    329. Social democracy movement 
    330. Social Voice Networking Forum - Pakistan
    331. Société Civile Engagée 
    332. Somali Action for Transformation (Somact)
    333. SOPEVUDECO ASBL
    334. SORETO
    335. SOS Jeunesse et Enfance en Détresse " SOS JED
    336. Sout To Support Women's Rights 
    337. South African National Civic Organisation
    338. South Sudan Youth Peace and Development Organization (SSYPADO)
    339. Southwest Genesis Consultancy
    340. Swabalambee Foundation
    341. TARGET 4.7 Education for Global Citizenship & Sustainability 
    342. Tariro Foundation of Zimbabwe Trust
    343. The Environment Ameliorators
    344. The Institute of Caribbean Studies/SMART Futures Movement 
    345. The Young Republic
    346. Timely performance care center
    347. Today for tomorrow foundation
    348. Tomorrow for human rights 
    349. Toto Centre Initiative 
    350. Tournonslapage 
    351. Tremendas Panamá 
    352. Uganda Diversity Network
    353. UGONMA FOUNDATION
    354. Ukana West 2 Community Based Health Initiative
    355. Umbrella for Journalists in Kasese (UJK)
    356. UN SDGs Programme
    357. Unión Nacional de Instituciones para el Trabajo de Acción Social - UNITAS 
    358. United nations Youth Association-Ghana
    359. United World Against Diabetes 
    360. Universal Union For Consumer Protection and Civil Abuse "UNUCOPCA" NGO
    361. University of Western Cape
    362. VEILLE CITOYENNE TOGO 
    363. Venezuela Diversa AC
    364. VIE +
    365. Vivace Youth  Centre 
    366. Volunteer Activists
    367. Warembo Forum
    368. Welfare Taskforce for Malaysian Students Abroad
    369. WELFARE TOGO
    370. West Africa Civil Society Institute (WACSI)
    371. Western Youth Empire 
    372. Women and Children Empowerment Network-South Africa
    373. Women in Action-WINA
    374. WOMEN WITHOUT POVERTY (WOWIPO) 
    375. World Mission Agency
    376. World Youth Union S/L
    377. YACAP INTERNATIONAL
    378. YES We Can
    379. yesaid society (Kenya)
    380. Young African change makers
    381. YOUNG AFRICAN FIGHTERS ORGANIZATION 
    382. Young Men Association
    383. Youth Advocacy Network
    384. Youth Advocates for Change
    385. Youth Against Drug Abuse YADA International 
    386. Youth Arm Org
    387. Youth Association of Sierra Leone
    388. Youth Development Initiative Trust 
    389. Youth Enrichment for Success
    390. Youth for the Mission
    391. Youth Forum for Social Justice
    392. Youth Harvest Foundation Ghana
    393. Youth innovation centre 
    394. Youth Leadership Parliament, Nigeria
    395. Youth Network for Positive Change
  • Afghanistan: Disappointing Human Rights Council Resolution a major blow for human rights

    Statement after the special session on Afghanistan at the UN Human Rights Council

    The Resolution adopted by the UN Human Rights Council during its Special Session on 24 August 2021 in response to the ongoing crisis in Afghanistan fails to effectively address grave human rights violations in the country. 

    “The resolution is the weakest possible response to the crisis as it ignored urgent requests from civil society to establish an international monitoring and accountability mechanism in response to rights abuses and to prevent a looming humanitarian crisis,” said Susan Wildling, Head of Geneva Office for CIVICUS.

    The resolution, which fails to explicitly mention the “Taliban” by name calls on the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to present a report at the Council’s 49th Session in March 2022.  It calls for an interactive dialogue to accompany the report which could potentially limit the number of civil society voices able to report on the atrocities on the ground.

    The Special Session was called by Pakistan on behalf of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation  (OIC) and was co-sponsored by Afghanistan and a number of UN Member States could have created an independent international investigative mechanism to gather evidence of abuses as a step towards ensuring  accountability of perpetrators of human rights violations. While many member and observer States voiced their support for an independent investigative mechanism, the Resolution  fell far short of this bare minimum request.

    “At a time when the people of Afghanistan urgently need a concerted response from the international community, the Human Rights Council failed to show leadership by ignoring calls from civil society for a gender-sensitive investigative mechanism to record violations of international human rights and humanitarian law,”  said Susan Wilding.

    The Taliban have a track record of attacking civilians and engaging in reprisals against those who criticise them. Some have been abducted and killed.  Following the takeover of Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul, human rights defenders have reported that lists of names of representatives of civil society have been revealed by the Taliban and raids have been carried out in their homes.  Women human rights defenders and journalists are particularly at risk.  Others trying to flee Afghanistan have been prevented from boarding airplanes as foreign missions have prioritized evacuating their own nationals and staff.  Several have gone into hiding for fear for their lives.  The Taliban has also cracked down on peaceful protests in several cities.

    The failure of the Human Rights Council to address the human rights concerns of the people of Afghanistan and hold the Taliban accountable for its human rights violations is a missed opportunity.  CIVICUS believes the Human Rights Council must use its September Session to develop an adequate response to the crisis.

    Presently, CIVICUS urges UN agencies and multilateral institutions to retain their presence in Afghanistan with a view to actively safeguarding human rights & gender justice gains. The presence of UN agencies is crucial to a coordinated response to protect those at risk  of persecution. UN Member States should support the UN to play a lead role in responding to the crisis on the ground. 

    Further, CIVICUS urges the urgent inclusion of Civil Society in any national and international initiatives on Afghanistan. 

    Civic space in Afghanistan is rated as Repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor.

     
  • Afghanistan: Grave violations to civic freedoms and ongoing impunity show need for robust international mechanism

    Statement at the 51st Session of the UN Human Rights Council 

    Interactive Dialogue on the Special Rapporteur’s report on Afghanistan

    Delivered by Horia Mosadiq

    CIVICUS and the Safety and Risk Mitigation Organization thank the Special Rapporteur for his first report. The gravity of the situation cannot be overstated.

    Since the Taliban takeover, escalating restrictions on fundamental freedoms in the country have exacerbated the danger facing human rights defenders. They live in a climate of fear, facing harassment, threats and violence. Those who have criticised the regime have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. Women human rights defenders have been abducted by the Taliban with impunity.

    Crackdowns against protesters continue without accountability. Thousands of people, especially women, who took to the streets across the country to protest against the Taliban were subjected to excessive force, gunfire and beatings by the Taliban authorities, leading to deaths and injuries of peaceful protesters.

    There have been countless raids of civil society offices, often to intimidate, and some groups have had their bank accounts frozen. The dissolution of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission this year symbolises the complete disintegration of accountability mechanisms in the country.

    While grave violations continue and impunity remains rampant, we call on States to urgently take steps to create a more robust international accountability mechanism to complement the work of the Special Rapporteur.

    We further call on States to provide Afghan human rights defenders with financial, diplomatic and political support, including by issuing humanitarian visas and funding resettlement programmes, and to apply pressure on the Taliban to create a safer space for human rights defenders in Afghanistan.

    We thank you.

    Civic space in Afghanistan is rated "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor.
  • Afghanistan: International community must expedite discussions towards a robust accountability mechanism   

    Statement at the 54th Session of the UN Human Rights Council 

    Interactive Debate on OHCHR report on Afghanistan

    Delivered by Horia Mosadiq, Safety and Risk Mitigation Organization (SRMO)

    Thankyou Mr. President, 

    CIVICUS andSRMOwelcomes this new reporton the situation of human rights in Afghanistan andexpress our grave concernthat morethantwo years after the Taliban takeover, there has been a failure by the international community to ensure serious and sustained attention tostem the systematic assault on civic space in the country. 

    In March,Afghanistan’s civic space rating was downgraded by the CIVICUS Monitor from ‘repressed’ to ‘closed’. Over the last year, activists, especially women human rights defenders and journalistshavecontinued toface arbitrary arrests,detention and ill-treatment by the Taliban. Education rights activist Matiullah Wesa and reporter MortazaBehboudi remain in detention. NGOs have also faced asset seizure and licence suspensions because they were led by women orhadwomen employees.

    It has become increasing difficult to hold protests in Afghanistan due to harassment,arrests and ill-treatment. Despite this, scores ofbravewomendemonstrated in July, their bravery was met with gunfire, water cannons and beatings.

    The international community must speak up and urge the de facto authorities to respect fundamental freedoms and to reverse their ban on women working andfromeducation. 

    Proactive steps must be taken toprovide support and protection to human rights defenders at risk, including those in exile. 

    We also urge the Council todo more to hold the Taliban accountable fortheir abuses and discriminatory policies, gender apartheid andexpedite discussions towards a more robust international accountability mechanism. 

    We thank you.
  • Afghanistan: International community must urge Taliban to lift ban on women’s access to employment

    CIVICUS, a global civil society alliance, is appalled by the decision of the Taliban to ban women from employment in local and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The move is discriminatory and regressive and will have a detrimental impact on women’s rights and the crucial work of civil society in the country. The international community must condemn this and urge the Taliban to lift the ban immediately.
  • Afghanistan: Joint call for immediate end to attacks against HRDs & need for protection & accountability

    Afghanistan Statement on Security of HRDs May2021

    The threats, harassment, intimidation, and attacks against human rights defenders, activists, journalists, and media workers in Afghanistan must end – the undersigned international human rights organisations said.  

    From September 2020 until May 2021, a total of 17 human rights defenders have been killed, including nine journalists, based on information compiled by the Afghan Human Rights Defenders Committee (AHRDC). Nine of those killed were in the first five months of this year. During this period, over 200 human rights defenders and media representatives reported that they were receiving serious threats to the AHRDC and the Afghanistan Journalists Safety Committee. A report published by the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) in February 2021, noted that 65 media practitioners and human rights defenders have been killed since 2018. In most of these cases, no perpetrators have been held to account. These attacks are aimed at silencing peaceful dissent and those working on human rights, especially women’s rights, as well as those seeking justice and accountability for human rights violations. The timing of escalating attacks against human rights defenders, activists, and journalists appears to be linked to the ongoing peace process between the Government of Afghanistan, the United States, and the Taliban.

    It is vital to uphold and prioritize freedom of expression during this critical time in Afghanistan and for its future. The progress made on creating safe space for human rights defenders especially women human rights defenders and journalists is at stake with the United States and NATO forces’ full withdrawal announcement from Afghanistan by 11 September 2021. The attack targeting school children in Kabul on 8 May, is a devastating reminder of escalating violence against civilians, especially against women and girls. The international community, as stakeholders of the current political processes, including the United States, United Kingdom, European Union, and NATO member States, should under international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law, protect the rights of all, especially those being targeted such as human rights defenders and civil society activists. However, with the announcement of unconditional withdrawal and no progress on the peace process, the promotion and protection of the rights of human rights defenders and journalists do not seem to be a priority.   

    The lack of respect for International Humanitarian Law and the absence of accountability for attacks against human rights defenders and activists, have only increased the danger to defenders and emboldened perpetrators. Afghan authorities and the international community must call on all parties to stop using civilian targets for military gains and safeguard the progress in human rights made over the last two decades and ensure that they are not scaled back as a result of the ongoing negotiations. 

    Civil society members, women human rights defenders, and journalists are systematically threatened and attacked for the work they carry out. Those working outside the capital are especially exposed to serious threats due to the lack of support available in Kabul and through some international networks and embassies. Many of these defenders have had to relocate within Afghanistan and, in some cases, even temporarily leave the country with their families for safety concerns. Defenders fear publicly denouncing attacks they are subjected to due to concerns over the security and sustainability of their work. This demonstrates the immense pressure under which Afghan defenders, activists, and journalists are forced to live and work. 

    State mechanisms for the protection of defenders including the recently appointed Joint Commission for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders have yet to be operationalized. The government has failed to adequately respond to complaints of threats and early warning signals of attacks against human rights defenders and journalists. Defenders are faced with the impossible choice of balancing their commitment to work in their country with threats against themselves and their families.  We call on the Government of Afghanistan to take greater responsibility to ensure the safety and security of defenders, activists, and journalists, and to end impunity for the attacks against them. 

    Women human rights defenders, journalists, and minority groups in Afghanistan have been among the worst affected.  Many women defenders have been compelled to relocate internally or outside the country, stop their work, or stay at home. Attacks on women defenders have included harassment of family members and colleagues. Women who have campaigned for years for equal rights, and equal participation in public spaces, including the peace process, have found themselves under attack in reprisals against them for their work.  

    The Government of Afghanistan and international stakeholders and facilitators in the ongoing peace process must take responsibility through their conduct and engagement in the country to stop the increase in violent attacks against human rights defenders.  Rights groups and the United Nations have consistently called for the effective participation of civil society representatives, especially women human rights defenders, in the peace process given its huge impact on security on the ground. Despite this, and even though rights groups and women defenders have worked continuously to engage with the peace process, the Moscow summit in March 2021 did not see effective representation of women.  A peace process, or negotiation, that fails to include women representatives adequately and effectively, and in parallel engages with the Taliban without benchmarks on human rights, undermines women’s safety and progress made on human rights over the past years. Much more must be done to ensure that the peace process takes into account the threats, harassment, intimidation, and attacks occurring in the country and to ensure that it does not exacerbate people’s suffering.  

    The crisis unfolding in the country requires a strong commitment to direct engagement and support for Afghan defenders to work and live in safety and dignity. It requires the international community to proactively support those defenders who have worked to promote and protect human rights, at great personal cost. As human rights organizations focusing on the protection of human rights defenders, we call for an effective protection mechanism for human rights defenders in Afghanistan.  We, therefore, call on the Government of Afghanistan and relevant international actors to take the following measures: 

    • The newly established government-led Joint Commission must deliver on its objectives to provide effective protection to human rights defenders at risk. We call for access to information on the measures that the Joint Commission has taken so far to provide immediate protection to defenders, investigate the threats against them, and bring suspected perpetrators to justice. 
    • Ensure that human rights standards and the protection of human rights defenders are articulated as key benchmarks for any sustainable peace process. The Taliban and others targetting civilians and human rights defenders must immediately halt violence and prioritize intra-Afghan peace talks as a way to ensure sustainable peace. 
    • Offer human rights defenders immediate practical support on the ground at all levels, including through diplomatic and political channels. 
    • Actively ensure justice and redress for violence and threats against defenders especially by local authorities and law enforcement to ensure prompt responses to security threats. 
    • Establish a national monitoring mechanism, and an impartial and independent mechanism internationally to investigate the killings of human rights defenders, journalists, clarifying the circumstances in which the defenders were killed, expeditiously bringing those responsible to justice. 
    • Collaborate with human rights defenders and civil society organisations for designing and implementing robust protection policies with a gender perspective and an intersectional approach.
    • Ensure effective representation of human rights defenders, especially women, in any peace process that has a bearing on their security, including but not limited to the peace process. Participation must include guarantees of safety and effective and equitable representation of views. 

    Signatory Organisations: 

    1. Amnesty International 
    2. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    3. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    4. FIDH, within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    5. World Organisation Against Torture 
    6. (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    7. Front Line Defenders
    8. South Asians for Human Rights 
    9. Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights – Asia & Pacific
    10. Women's International League for Peace and Freedom

    For further information, please contact: 
  • Afghanistan: Keep the pressure on the Taliban to create a safer space for women, HRDs, and journalists

    Statement at the 50th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Interactive Debate on the High Commissioner’s update on Afghanistan 

    Delivered by Horia Mosadiq 

    CIVICUS and Safety and Risk Mitigation Organization thank the High Commissioner for her update. 

    We remain deeply concerned with the escalating restrictions to fundamental freedoms, threats against human rights defenders, and curtailment of the rights of women and girls in Afghanistan.

    Since the Taliban assumed power, women, and girls in Afghanistan are increasingly restricted in their rights to freedom of expression, assembly, association, and even movement. It has become the only country in the world to prohibit girls’ education. The Taliban issued a directive on 7 May mandating women and girls to fully cover themselves in public and leave home only in cases of necessity. Women human rights defenders have been subjected to numerous human rights violations, including abductions, enforced disappearances, and assaults with impunity.

    Last month, the Taliban dissolved the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission. This act symbolizes the complete disintegration of accountability mechanisms in the country.

    We welcome the scrutiny of the Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan, especially in the context of his recent visit to the country, which is an important step towards any future accountability. The crisis facing women and girls merits further investigation. We call on the Council to ensure both adequate support to the Special Rapporteur and to stand ready to take further action, on both prevention and accountability initiatives, as the situation deteriorates. 

    We further call on States to provide Afghan human rights defenders with financial, diplomatic and political support, including by issuing humanitarian visas and funding resettlement programmes, and to apply pressure on the Taliban to create a safer space for human rights defenders and journalists in Afghanistan.

    We thank you.

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