human rights council

  • States should defend environmental human rights defenders


    Joint Letter at the 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Our organisations are calling on all UN Member States to demonstrate their support to environmental human rights defenders. 


    March 12, 2019
    To: UN Member States

    We all want to breathe clean air, drink safe water, and to be able to provide sustenance and a healthy, dignified life for our families. Human survival and well-being rests on a biodiverse and healthy environment and a safe climate. Environmental human rights defenders help us to achieve that - they defend the planet and their communities from the impact of harmful resource extraction or pollution by unscrupulous companies or governments. Their work is essential to attaining the sustainable development goals and ensuring that no-one is left behind.

    We need your support to defend environmental human rights defenders.

    At its current 40th session, the Human Rights Council is discussing a draft resolution on environmental human rights defenders. This is a timely and important initiative as UN agencies, human rights organisations and the media have documented unprecedented killings and attacks against people defending land and the environment.

    It is important for the Council to adopt a resolution that reflects the gravity and the reality of the situation defenders face every day. We therefore call on members of the UN Human Rights Council to ensure that the resolution adopted by the Council clearly:

    • Outlines the root causes of the threats against environmental human rights defenders, including development and commercial activities with adverse social and environmental impacts, or those imposed on communities without meaningful consultation and respect for their rights;
    • Recognises that environmental human rights defenders confront multiple adverse interests when challenging State and corporate activities, and highlights the collusion between different actors which hinders the work of defenders and aggravates their vulnerable position;
    • Clearly names the industries and activities most dangerous to defenders, such as the mining industry, natural resource exploitation, agribusiness and large-scale development projects;
    • Acknowledges the wide number of States that have recognised the right to a healthy environment in their internal legal order;
    • Recognises that the lack of effective access to information, access to participation and access to justice causes environmental conflicts and leads to violence against defenders
    • Calls for the development of protection mechanisms for environmental human rights defenders in line with best practice identified by the Special Rapporteur;
    • Articulates the specific risks women and indigenous human rights defenders face and the need for an intersectional approach in assessing and designing protection measures for defenders;
    • Calls on States to ensure that all communities are meaningfully consulted and can participate genuinely in matters that affect their rights and, in particular the use, management and conservation of their land and natural resources;
    • Calls on States to guarantee the right to free, prior and informed consent for indigenous peoples;
    • Calls on States to adopt legislation that creates due diligence obligations for companies registered in their jurisdictions and those of their subsidiaries;
    • Articulates the responsibility of businesses to respect the rights of human rights defenders and highlights measures companies should take to contribute to addressing their insecurity;
    • Adequately articulates the responsibility of investors and the obligations of development finance institutions to respect human rights in the context of their investments and to develop and implement effective policies to prevent and address threats; and
    • Stresses that an open civic space, including respect for the rights to freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly and association and movement, as well as the right to participate in the conduct of government and public affairs, is vital to the protection of both a healthy and sustainable environment and environmental human rights defenders.

    The draft being negotiated in Geneva contains some of these essential elements, which must be defended, but also offers significant potential for strengthening.

    As negotiations enter the final stretch, we urge you to actively support the development of a resolution which clearly recognises the vital contribution of environmental human rights defenders to sustainable development and the effective enjoyment of human rights and formulates concrete asks of the States, development finance institutions and companies with the power of safeguarding that contribution.

    1. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    2. Amnesty International
    3. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum Asia)
    4. CIVICUS
    5. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    6. Earth Justice
    7. Front Line Defenders
    8. Global Witness
    9. JASS (Just Associates)
    10. IM-Defensoras
    11. Christian Development Alternative (CDA)
    12. Nigerian Women Agro Allied Farmers Association
    13. Social Justice Connection
    14. Franciscans International
    15. Unidad de Protección a Defensoras y Defensores de Derechos Humanos - Guatemala (UDEFEGUA)
    16. Geneva for Human Rights
    17. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
    18. Réseau Ouest africain des Défenseurs des Droits Humains/West African Human Rights Defenders' Network
    19. Coordination des associations et des particuliers pour la liberté de conscience
    20. La'o Hamutuk
    21. Karapatan Philippines
    22. Human Rights House Foundation
    23. HETAVED SKILLS ACADEMY AND NETWORKS
    24. International Commission of Jurists
    25. Conectas Direitos Humanos
    26. World Movement for Democracy
    27. Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)
    28. Center for Civil Liberties
    29. Urgent Action Fund for Women's Human Rights
    30. Human Rights Concern - Eritrea (HRCE)
    31. International Women's Development Agency (IWDA)
    32. Humanitaire Plus (Togo)
    33. Coalition Burkinabé des Défenseurs des Droits Humains
    34. AMARA
    35. Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC)
    36. Odhikar
    37. Freedom House
    38. Red Internacional Unión Latinoamericana de Mujeres - Red ULAM
    39. Freedom House
    40. Rivers without Boundaries Mongolia
    41. Asian Legal Resource Centre
    42. OYU TOLGOI WATCH
    43. Ligue Burundaise des droits de l’homme Iteka
    44. International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES)
    45. AVIPA association des victimes parents et amis du 28 septembre 2009 Guinée
    46. Porgera Red Wara (River) Women's Association Incorporated (PRWWA INC.)
    47. KRuHA - people's coalition for the right to water
    48. Asia Pacific Network of Environment Defenders (APNED)
    49. EMPOWER INDIA
    50. EarthRights International
    51. Dawei Probono Lawyer Network (DPLN)
    52. Africa Network for Enivironment and Economic Justice(ANEEJ)
    53. Partnership for Justice, Nigeria
    54. Association for Progressive Communications (APC)
    55. Huridocs
    56. Steps Without Borders NGO
    57. Humanists International
    58. Coalition Togolaise des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CTDDH)
    59. Labour,Health and Human Rights Development Centre
    60. Institute for Multi-Resource Development (IMdev)
    61. Not1More
    62. Patrons of Khuvsgul lake movement
    63. Liberia Coalition of Human Rights DefendersHuman Concern, Inc
    64. Brot für die Welt
    65. ARTICLE 19
    66. Peace Brigades International
    67. Metro Center Journalists Rights & Advocacy
    68. World Uyghur Congress
    69. 350.org
    70. International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR)
    71. Latinamerikagrupperna
    72. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
    73. Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
    74. SUDIA
    75. Synergia - 36/5000 Initiatives for Human Rights
    76. Philippine Misereor Partnership Inc.
    77. Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM)
    78. Center for Women's Global Leadership
    79. Transformative and Integrative Build Out For All
    80. Institute for Strategic & Development Studies
    81. Reseau de Femmes du mMlieu Rural Haitien
    82. East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
    83. FIFCJ
    84. Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
    85. Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID)
    86. Zo Indigenous Forum
    87. MADRE
    88. FOKUS Forum for women and development
    89. Bougainville Women's Federation
    90. Human Rights Council-Ethiopia
    91. Environment Defenders Advocacy
    92. Porgera Women's Rights Watch
    93. Independent Human Rights Analyst and Strategy Advisor
    94. Buliisa Initiative for Rural Development Organisation (BIRUDO)
    95. Community Resource Centre Foundation
    96. MANUSHYA FOUNDATION
    97. Equitable Cambodia
    98. Friends with Environment in Development
    99. Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (CHRB)
    100. Association For Promotion Sustainable development
    101. WoMin Afrcan Alliance
    102. Both ENDS
    103. Child Rights Connect
    104. CONSEIL REGIONAL DES ORGANISATIONS NON GOUVERNEMENTALES DE DEVELOPPEMENT
    105. Enda Lead Afrique Francophone
    106. Human Rights Law Centre
    107. Business & Human Rights Resource Centre
    108. World Voices Uganda
    109. Africa Center for Policy Facilitation
    110. Estonian Forest Aid
    111. Community Transformation Foundation Network (COTFONE)
    112. Collectif Camerounais des Organisations des Droits de l'Homme et de la Démocratie (COCODHD)
    113. Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
    114. North-East Affected Area Development Society (NEADS)
    115. Sangsan Anakot Yawachon Development Project
    116. Forum Syd Sweden
    117. COALITION AGAINST LAND GRABBING (CALG) - PHILIPPINES
    118. UNLAD-BLFFA
    119. Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ANGOC)
    120. BankTrack
    121. CORE Coalition
    122. The Gaia Foundation
    123. Labour Behind the Label
    124. Bataris Formation Center
    125. Salva la Selva
    126. Observatoire d'etudes et d'appui a la responsabilite sociale et environnementale ( OEARSE )
    127. REd de Género y Medio Ambiente
    128. London Mining Network
    129. Abibiman Foundation
    130. Ecodesarollo
    131. The Kesho Trus
    132. Organisation mondiale contre la torture
    133. PAPUA NEW GUINEA MINING WATCH GROUP ASSOCIATION INC
    134. 11.11.11 - Koepel van de Vlaamse Noord-Zuidbeweging
    135. Center for Global Nonkilling
    136. Centro salvadoreño de Tecnología Apropiada
    137. Coalition Ivoirienne des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CIDDH)
    138. Friends of the Earth NI
    139. Forest Peoples Programme
    140. Environmental Investigation Agency
    141. Fundación para el Desarrollo de Políticas Sustentables (FUNDEPS)
    142. Bank Information Center
    143. Africa development Interchange Network
    144. Voluntariados Intag
    145. Mangrove Action Project
    146. IUCN NL
    147. Community Self Reliance Centre (CSRC)
    148. Amazon Watch
    149. HRM @Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan@
    150. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines
    151. Asociación ambiental e cultural Petón do Lobo
    152. Asociación galega Cova Crea
    153. Amigos e Amigas dos Bosques "O Ouriol do Anllóns"
    154. Réseau Camerounais des Organisations des Droits de l'Homme (RECODH)
    155. CNCD-11.11.11
    156. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
    157. Rainforest Foundation Norway
    158. Women Working Worldwide
    159. Greenpeace
    160. AMDH- Maroc
    161. In Difesa Di , per i diritti umani e chi li difende
    162. Center for Environmental Concerns-Philippines
    163. Buliisa Initiative for Rural Development Organisation (BIRUDO) - Uganda
  • Strengthen the work of UN Special Procedures that can protect human rights

    42nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Joint Statement: 20 NGOs express support for the Coordination Committee’s process to strengthen the work of the Special Procedures

    We deliver this statement on behalf of 20 NGOs. 

    We note the concerns in the Declaration of the Special Procedures’ mandate holders at the Annual Meeting 2019 and share their concern about the global retrenchment against the values and obligations embedded in international human rights law and the challenges they spell out with regard to non-cooperation. 

    We also express appreciation for the process set in place by the Special Procedures Coordination Committee to discuss ways in which the work can be strengthened including by seeking input from a wide range of stakeholders. This process presents the most appropriate way to ensure the effectiveness of the Special Procedures in protecting and promoting human rights, and to discuss ways to strengthen cooperation and address situations where there may be concerns regarding the actions of individual mandate holders. 

    We hope that this process will also provide an opportunity to discuss issues of chronic underfunding, non-cooperation of States with the Special Procedures, acts of reprisal and intimidation against human rights defenders and ad hominem attacks against mandate holders and how to make non-cooperation including selective cooperation by states more costly. 

    Amnesty International
    Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    Association for Women’s Rights in Development
    Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
    Center for Reproductive Rights
    Child Rights Connect
    CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation 
    Colombian Commission of Jurists
    Defence for Children International 
    Geneva for Human Rights
    ILGA World
    International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute
    International Commission of Jurists
    International Movement against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR)
    International Service of Human Rights
    Peace Brigades International
    Sexual Rights Initiative (SRI)
    Swedish Association for Sexuality Education
    Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
    World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)

  • Sudan: Ensure continued public debates on the human rights situation

    To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (Geneva, Switzerland)

    Excellencies,

    Following the military coup of 25 October 2021,[1] the UN Human Rights Council took urgent action by holding a special session, on 5 November 2021, and adopting a resolution re­ques­ting the High Commis­sioner to designate an Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan.[2]

    As per resolution S-32/1, which was adopted by consensus with the support of the Group of African Sta­tes, the Expert’s mandate will be ongoing “until the restoration of [Sudan’s] civi­lian-led Govern­ment.” The Council made it clear that the term of office for the designated Expert will conclude “upon the restoration of [Sudan’s] civilian-led Government.”[3]

    Ahead of the Council’s 50th session (13 June-8 July 2022), we, the undersigned non-governmental organisations, are writing to urge your delegation to support the adoption of a resolution that ensures continued attention to Sudan’s human rights situation through enhanced interactive dia­logues at the Council’s 52nd and 53rd regular sessions.

    While the Expert’s mandate is ongoing, a resolution is required for the Council to hold public de­bates and continue to formally discuss the situation. A resolution at the Council’s 50th session would ope­ra­tio­nalise resolution S-32/1, which in its operative paragraph 19 called upon “the High Commis­sioner and the designated Expert to monitor human rights violations and abu­ses and to continue to bring information thereon to the attention of the Human Rights Council, and to advise on the further steps that may be needed if the situation continues to deteriorate.”

    *   *   *

    As the de facto military authorities are consolidating their power[4] and human rights violations continue, including against peaceful protesters[5] and in Darfur and other conflict areas,[6] once-yearly reporting by the High Com­mis­sioner as part of her reports and updates under the Council’s agenda item 2, followed by a ge­neral debate, would be insufficient to maintain an adequate level of atten­tion to the country.

    The Council has a responsibility to follow up on its meaningful action on Sudan. It should ensure that the High Commissioner publicly and regularly reports on the human rights situation and that dedicated public debates continue to be held. The High Commissioner, with the assistance of the desi­gna­ted Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan, should be able to present updates and reports on the situ­ation of human rights in Sudan.

    Programme budget implications (PBIs) are required for the formal presentation of reports to the Council and holding of interactive dialogues and enhanced interactive dialogues. A resolution with the necessary PBIs could be approached from a technical perspective; it could be a procedural text that achieves just this: mobilising budget for reports and public debates on Sudan.

    We believe that interactive dialogues on Sudan’s hu­man rights situation should be held in an enhanced format, allowing for the participation of various stakeholders, including UN agency and civil society representatives. We also believe that the Council should discuss the human rights situation in Sudan at least twice a year. Furthermore, we believe that to avoid any risk of a public reporting gap, the Council should act at its 50th session – the last session during which presentation of a comprehensive written report is currently planned.

    Ahead of the Council’s 50th session, we therefore urge your delegation to support the adoption of a resolution that:

    • Recalls resolution S-32/1, including its request that the High Commis­sioner and the desi­gna­ted Expert continue to report on human rights violations and abu­ses com­mitted in Sudan and to advise on the further steps that may be needed;
    • Requests the High Commissioner, with the assistance of the designated Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan, to update the Council at its 52nd session, in an en­han­ced interactive dialogue, on the situation of human rights in Sudan; and
    • Further requests the High Commissioner, with the assistance of the designated Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan, to present to the Council, at its 53rd session, a comprehensive written report focusing on the situation of human rights in Sudan, to be followed by an enhanced interactive dialogue, and to continue to report on the situation of human rights in Sudan to the Council twice a year.

    We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.

    Sincerely,

    1. Act for Sudan
    2. African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS)
    3. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS)
    4. AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
    5. Amnesty International
    6. Association of Sudanese-American Professors in America (ASAPA)
    7. Atrocities Watch
    8. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
    9. CIVICUS
    10. CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide)
    11. Darfur Bar Association
    12. Darfur Network for Monitoring and Documentation
    13. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    14. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR)
    15. Geneva for Human Rights / Genève pour les Droits de l’Homme (GHR)
    16. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P)
    17. Governance Programming Overseas
    18. HAKI Africa – Kenya
    19. HUDO Centre
    20. Human Rights and Advocacy Network for Democracy – Sudan
    21. Human Rights Watch
    22. International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI)
    23. International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
    24. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
    25. International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI)
    26. International Service for Human Rights
    27. Investors Against Genocide
    28. Journalists for Human Rights (JHR) – Sudan
    29. Justice Africa Sudan
    30. Justice Centre for Advocacy and Legal Consultations – Sudan
    31. Kamma Organisation for Development Initiatives (KODI)
    32. Lawyers for Justice Sudan
    33. Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada
    34. Massachusetts Coalition to Save Darfur
    35. Never Again Coalition
    36. Nubsud Human Rights Monitors Organization (NHRMO)
    37. Physicians for Human Rights
    38. REDRESS
    39. Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS) – Sudan
    40. Regional Coalition for WHRDs in MENA (WHRDMENA Coalition)
    41. Rights for Peace
    42. Rights Realization Centre (RRC)
    43. Sudan and South Sudan Forum e.V.
    44. Sudan’s Doctors for Human Rights
    45. The Sudanese Archives
    46. Sudanese Human Rights Initiative (SHRI)
    47. Sudanese Lawyers and Legal Practitioners’ Association in the UK
    48. Sudanese Women Rights Action
    49. Sudan Human Rights Monitor (SHRM)
    50. Sudan Transparency and Policy Tracker
    51. Sudan Unlimited
    52. SUDO (UK)
    53. Waging Peace

     

    [1] DefendDefenders et al., “Sudan: The UN Human Rights Council should act urgently and hold a special session,” 28 October 2021, https://defenddefenders.org/sudan-the-un-human-rights-council-should-act-urgently-and-hold-a-special-session/ (accessed 4 May 2022).

    [2] DefendDefenders, “The UN Human Rights Council takes a step to address the crisis in Sudan,” 5 November 2021, https://defenddefenders.org/the-un-human-rights-council-takes-a-step-to-address-the-crisis-in-sudan/ (accessed 4 May 2022).

    [3] HRC resolution S-32/1, UN Doc. A/HRC/RES/S-32/1, available at https://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G21/319/08/PDF/G2131908.pdf (operative paragraphs 15 and 17).

    [4] Sudan Information Service, “Sudan Uprising Report: Build up to the military coup of 25 October,” 6 November 2021, https://www.sudaninthenews.com/political-briefings (accessed 4 May 2022).

    [5] Human Rights Watch, “Sudan: Ongoing Clampdown on Peaceful Protesters 3 Months After Coup; Concrete Action Needed to End Repression,” 3 February 2022, https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/02/03/sudan-ongoing-clampdown-peaceful-protesters (accessed 4 May 2022).

    [6] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS), “West Darfur: 35 people killed and a dozen injured in Jebel Moon attack as security continues to deteriorate in Sudan,” 24 March 2022, https://www.acjps.org/west-darfur-35-people-killed-and-a-dozen-injured-in-jebel-moon-attack-as-security-continues-to-deteriorate-across-sudan/ (accessed 9 May 2022).

  • Sudan: Excessive force of protests continues under transitional government

    42nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Statement on the situation of human rights in Sudan

    CIVICUS and the Sudanese Development Initiative are encouraged by the agreement reached between the Forces for Freedom and Change and the Transitional Military Council on 5 July 2019.  We applaud the African Union and Ethiopia for their role in mediating the Sudanese-led talks and the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) for its support to the process.

    Consequently, there has been some improvement, albeit minimal, in the human rights situation in Sudan. There are reports of activists and human rights defenders facing intimidation, arrests and government surveillance as well as Sudanese militia continuing to use excessive force to respond to peaceful protests. 

    Security personnel who used excessive force in June 2019 against peaceful protesters have not been held accountable and brought to justice. We are outraged that four school children were among five people shot dead by security forces during a peaceful protest in the Sudanese city - El-Obeid on 29 July 2019. 

    Mr. President, CIVICUS welcomes the agreement reached in August 2019 which includes a commitment to conduct an investigation into the violence perpetrated against peaceful protesters in June 2019. However, for sustainable peace and stability in Sudan, it is imperative for an independent, impartial and transparent investigation be immediately conducted into violations and abuses committed in relation to peaceful protests since December 2018 to ensure justice to all victims of such violence. 

    We call on the transitional government to ensure the release of detained activists, work towards locating missing individuals from the 3 June sit-in dispersal, and refrain from using force against peaceful protesters.  The transitional government should move away from Sudan’s turbulent past by  protecting  the right to freedom of expression for all persons, and work towards an effective and peaceful transition toward democracy.

    We urge the Sudanese authorities and citizens to continue their commitments and spirit of dialogue in addressing all the underlying causes of the protests which has resulted in this historic revolution. 

    We call on the Council to renew the mandate of the Independent Expert at this critical time, and we ask the Independent Expert on Sudan what steps the international community, including the Human Rights Council, should be taking to address the ongoing human rights violations in Sudan, and to ensure accountability for perpetrators and justice for those affected since December 2018?

  • Sudan: More than 100 people were killed when paramilitary forces dispersed peaceful protests

    41st Session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Interactive dialogue on Sudan

    CIVICUS notes the efforts that have been made by the Sudanese authorities and Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights (OHCHR) towards establishment of an OHCHR country office in Sudan in line with resolution 39/22 of the Human Rights Council.  We now urge the Sovereign Council of Sudan and OHCHR to sign the Memorandum of Understanding to operationalize the OHCHR office to provide technical advice, monitoring and public reporting with unrestricted access to all parts of the country, with a view to fulfilling Sudan’s human rights obligations and commitments.

    We welcome ongoing efforts between the Sudanese authorities and civilian leaders particularly those facilitated by the African Union and Ethiopia to finalise a peace deal that will guide the political transition and lead the country to elections in three years.  The current peace deal which is due to be finalized provides for an independent national investigation into all acts of violence committed since February 2019.   However, for the transition to be effective and stable, the scope of these investigations must include all violence against peaceful protesters and restrictions placed on fundamental freedoms since the protests started in December 2018. 

    In particular, the human rights violations committed by the paramilitary forces – the Rapid Response Forces and the National Intelligence and Security Forces (NISS) during the protests must be investigated by an independent, impartial, thorough inquiry. More than 100 people were killed and many more injured when paramilitary forces violently dispersed peaceful protesters when peace negotiations reached an impasse on 3 June 2019. We urge the Sudanese authorities to ensure that security forces respond to ongoing and future protests in line with the country’s international human rights obligations and address underlying causes of the protests.

    All human rights defenders, representatives of civil society and citizens still in detention in connection with the protests should be released unconditionally.  We also call on the Sudanese authorities to respect the rights of citizens to access and information and restore internet connections in all parts of the country where the internet was shut down in an attempt to conceal the brutality of the crackdown by the military against protesters.
      
    It is past time for the international community to take decisive action on the human rights situation in Sudan. We call on the Council to provide all necessary resources to carry out an independent, impartial inquiry into all acts of violence against protesters since December 2018, so that perpetrators can be held to account.

  • Sudan: The increasing violence requires the Council’s attention

    Statement at the 52nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council 

    Interactive Dialogue on High Commissioner's oral update on Sudan

    Delivered by Nicola Paccamiccio

    Thank you, Mr President,

    CIVICUS and its partners in Sudan welcome the oral update by the High Commissioner.

    Membership to the Human Rights Council should only be attained by States who respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. Once again, we witness the election of a State in which fundamental rights are utterly violated.

    Despite the signing of a tripartite framework agreement to pave the way for a power transition to civilian rule, the human rights situation continues to deteriorate. Over the past year, Civic space has severely declined. Authorities have resorted to excessive force against protesters, including firing live ammunition, stun grenades and tear gas. The State has imposed excessively restrictive measures which have hampered access to humanitarian and life-saving assistance for people in conflict-affected areas.

    There are increasing reports of sexual and gender-based violence with rape and enforced disappearances being used as weapons to intimidate pro-democracy activists. About 10 cases of kidnap and rape by security and military personnel have been reported between December 2022 and January 2023.

    High Commissioner, what can the Council do to make sure that the Sudanese people are free to exercise their rights to freedom of peaceful assembly, expression, and association without fear of reprisals? Furthermore, we call on the Sudanese government to immediately put an end to the violence against women human rights defenders, women’s rights groups and women protesters.

    We thank you.


     Civic space in Sudan is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor 

     

  • Sudan: The UN Human Rights Council should act urgently and hold a special session

    Following the 25 October 2021 military coup in Sudan, CIVICUS and partners have released a call on the UN Human Rights Council to convene a special session to address the crisis in the country. 


    To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (Geneva, Switzerland)

    Excellencies,

    As violence is increasing in Sudan following the military coup of 25 October 2021 and decisive action is needed to protect the transition, Sudan’s constitutional order, and the human rights of people in Sudan, the UN Human Rights Council has a res­ponsi­bility to act urgently.

    The Council should fulfil its mandate to prevent violations and respond promptly to human rights emer­gen­cies by convening a special session and adopting a resolution requesting the UN High Com­mis­sio­ner for Human Rights to set up a fact-finding mission to monitor, verify and report on the situ­ation in Sudan with a view to preventing further human rights violations and abuses, iden­ti­fying per­pe­trators, and ensuring ac­coun­tability for these violations and abuses.

    Ahead of the 48thsession of the Human Rights Council (13 September-11 October 2021), 37 civil so­ciety organisations (CSOs) highlighted[1] the need for the Coun­cil to extend its support to, and scrutiny of, Sudan. The CSOs highlighted that Su­dan’s political transition re­mained incomplete, mentioned on­going challenges and risks, and urged States to maintain the moni­tor­ing and public reporting ca­pacity of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). They wrote: “[T]he Human Rights Coun­cil has a respon­sibi­lity to keep Sudan high on its list of priorities and to contribute to mea­ningful pro­gress in the country.”

    Their call remained unanswered as the Council failed to adopt any Sudan-focused resolution.

    Two weeks after the session ended, on 25 October 2021, Sudan’s military forces arrested Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and several civilian figures, including members of the Transitional Government and Transitional Sove­reign Council (SC), who were placed under house arrest or taken to unknown loca­tions. At the time of writing, several of them remain held incommunicado or under house arrest. Military elements took con­trol of the national television and key centres of information. They imposed a partial in­ternet shutdown in the country and closed roads, bridges, and the airport in Khartoum.

    This military coup occurred one month before the head of the former Transitional Military Council (TMC), Ge­neral Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, who had since August 2019 been heading the SC, was due to hand over the presidency of the SC to civilian representatives, as per the power-sharing agreement and Constitutional Document of 2019.[2]

    General al-Burhan announced a nation-wide state of emer­gen­cy and the dissolution of the SC and the civilian-led Transitional Government.

    He unilaterally announced the suspension of Articles 11, 12, 15, 16, 24-3, 71, and 72 of the Cons­ti­tutional Document. These articles pertain to the SC, the Transitional Council of Ministers and Cabinet, the Transitional Legislative Council (which was to be constituted), and the TMC. The latter’s disso­lution seems to have been annulled, paving the way for military rule.[3]

    The coup and military takeover also threaten the implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement for Sudan, which was signed on 3 October 2020 between the Transitional Government and parties to the peace process, including armed groups that were involved in the conflicts that have affected several of Sudan’s regional States in the last three decades.

    General al-Burhan sought to justify the illegal takeover by blaming “political infighting” within civilian bodies and groups, including the Transitional Government and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), the coalition that brings together the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), civic groups, and political parties that signed the Declaration on Freedom and Change of January 2019 and led the peaceful popular revo­lution of 2018-2019 that led to the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir, in April 2019, and the political transition. General al-Burhan even asserted that the army had ousted the gov­ern­ment to avoid a “civil war.”[4]

    * * * * * * * * *

    Immediately after the coup was reported, and despite restrictions on communications, protesters pea­ce­fully took to the streets to denounce the military’s illegal actions and demand the reinstatement of the gov­ern­ment and a transition to civilian rule. The SPA called for strikes and civil disobedience. Pro­testers erected barricades in the streets. Soldiers opened fire on crowds and reportedly killed at least ten people and injured dozens. Arrests have been reported.[5]

    These acts demonstrate the armed and security forces’ lack of commitment to a democratic tran­sition to civilian rule and their determination to consolidate control, including by using violence. The 25 October 2021 military coup fol­lowed a reported coup attempt on 21 September 2021, which “the mili­tary blamed on a cadre of Bashir-allied Islamists but which several diplomats described […] as a trial balloon,” as tensions were growing within the SC.[6]

    Fears of a full-fledged, bloody crackdown are mounting. These fears are made credible by the illegal actions of the reconstituted TMC, the history of violence and abuse that characterises Sudan’s armed and security forces, including the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and the current context, including restrictions on communications, which are remi­nis­cent of the shutdown that was imposed following the atrocities committed on 3 June 2019 (known as the “Khartoum massacre”[7]).

    While the total number of arrests made is unknown, it is likely to increase after the release of the present letter. Human rights defenders (HRDs), protest organisers, journalists, and independent voices, in par­ticular women human rights defenders (WHRDs), women journalists, and women and girls protesting the coup, are at a heightened risk of being subjected to violations and abuses. These include arbitrary arrests, the use of unwarranted and lethal force, beatings, ill-treatment and torture, and sexual and gen­der-based violence, as was the case during the Khartoum massacre.[8]

    * * * * * * * * *

    The coup has drawn condemnation. States, including partners of Sudan, condemned it as a betrayal of the transition, demanded the release of political leaders, and urged full observance for the Constitutional Document and the reinstatement of transitional institutions.[9]

    The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), of which Sudan is a Member, issued a sta­te­ment in which its Executive Secretary, Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu, said he was “alarmed by the current political developments.” He “strongly condemn[ed] any attempt to undermine the transitional govern­ment” and called for the “im­mediate release” of all arrested political leaders.[10]

    The Arab League expressed “deep concern” about the military coup. The organisation’s Secretary-Ge­ne­ral urged all parties to “fully abide” by the Constitutional Declaration signed in August 2019.[11]

    The Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, who learned “with deep dismay of the serious development of the current situation in Sudan,” called “for the immediate resumption of consultations between civilians and military” and reaffirmed that “dialogue and consensus is the only relevant path to save the country and its democratic transition.” He further called “for the release of all arrested political leaders and the necessary strict respect of human rights.”[12] However, despite the Lomé Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government,[13] he did not con­vey a “clear and unequivocal warning to the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change that, under no circumstances, will their illegal action be tolerated or recognized by the [AU].”

    The AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) met on 26 October 2021. The following day, it released a communiqué[14] in which it “strongly condemn[ed] the seizure of power by the Sudanese military on 25 October 2021 and the dissolution of the Transitional Government, and totally reject[ed] the uncons­ti­tutional change of government, as unacceptable and an affront to the shared values and democratic norms of the AU.” It decided to “suspend, with immediate effect, the participation of the Repu­blic of Sudan in all AU activities until the effective restoration of the civilian-led Transitional Authority.”

    While this is a positive step, more needs to be done to stop military rule and protect the transition, Sudan’s constitutional order, and the human rights of people in Sudan. As repression increases, AU me­diation efforts and Human Rights Council action are not mutually exclusive but complementary.

    The UN Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, “strongly condemn[ed] the ongoing military coup d’état in Khartoum and all actions that could jeopardize Sudan’s political transition and stability.” He called for the immediate reconstitution of the governing arrangements provided for under the Consti­tutional Document.” He referred to the “unlawful detention” of the Prime Minister, government officials and politicians as “un­ac­ceptable” and called for the immediate release of those detained arbitrarily. He added: “Any at­tempts to undermine this transition process puts at risk Sudan’s security, stability and development.”[15]

    The Special Representative for Sudan and Head of the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS), Mr. Volker Perthes, said he was “deeply concerned about reports of an ongoing coup and attempts to undermine Sudan’s political transition.” He “called on the security forces to imme­diately release those who have been unlawfully detained or placed under house arrest” and urged an “[immediate] return to dialogue and [engagement] in good faith to restore the constitutional order.”[16]

    For her part, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Michelle Bachelet, “strongly con­dem­n[ed] [the] military coup in Sudan and the declaration of a nationwide state of emergency, the sus­pen­sion of key articles of the Cons­titu­tional Document and the governing bodies.” She reminded “military and security forces to refrain from unnecessary and disproportionate use of force, to respect people’s freedom of expression, as well as the right of peaceful assembly.” She added: “It would be disastrous if Sudan goes backwards after finally bringing an end to decades of repressive dictatorship.”[17]

    On 26 October, the UN Security Council met behind closed doors to discuss the crisis. It failed to adopt a resolution to unequivocally condemn the military coup, or even to release a statement.

    * * * * * * * * *

    In this context, the Human Rights Council cannot afford to stay silent or wait for its next regular session, which is due to open on 25 February 2022, to act.

    It should make clear that the TMC cannot be considered a legitimate partner; strongly condemn the mi­li­tary coup; urge full respect for the Constitutional Document and the reinstatement of transitional institutions; call for an im­mediate stop to the violence against protesters; demand a release of all poli­tical prisoners; and demand accountability for the human rights violations and abuses committed.

    The Human Rights Council should fulfil its mandate to prevent violations and respond promptly to human rights emer­gen­cies, convene a special session, and request the UN High Com­mis­sio­ner for Human Rights to set up a fact-finding mission to monitor, verify and report on the situation in Sudan with a view to preventing further human rights violations and abuses, iden­ti­fying per­petrators, and ensuring ac­coun­tability for these violations and abuses.

    The report of the fact-finding mission should be shared with the UN Security Council. The Hu­man Rights Council should further ensure that the High Commissioner publicly and regularly reports on the human rights situation in Sudan, relying on both in-house expertise and the work of the OHCHR country office in Sudan, and it should hold interactive dialogues on the human rights situation in Sudan twice a year.

    We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.

    Sincerely,

    1. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS)
    2. AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
    3. African Initiative for Peacebuilding, Advocacy and Advancement (AfriPeace)
    4. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
    5. Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
    6. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    7. CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide)
    8. Darfur and Beyond
    9. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    10. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
    11. Global Rights
    12. Human Rights and Peace Centre (HURIPEC)
    13. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
    14. International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI)
    15. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    16. Justice Center for Advocacy and Legal Consultations
    17. Kamma Organization for Development Initiatives (KODI)
    18. Kenya Human Rights Commission
    19. Kongamano La Mapinduzi
    20. Lawyers for Justice Sudan
    21. Mouvement Inamahoro
    22. Never Again Coalition
    23. PAX
    24. Physicians for Human Rights
    25. REDRESS
    26. Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS)
    27. The Sentry
    28. Skills for Nuba Mountains
    29. Sudan Archives
    30. Sudan Human Rights Hub
    31. Sudan Unlimited
    32. Victims Advocates International
    33. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

     

    [1] DefendDefenders et al., “The Human Rights Council should extend its support to, and scrutiny of, Sudan,” 10 September 2021 (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [2] For background, see DefendDefenders et al., “Sudan: ensuring a credible response by the UN Human Rights Council,” 3 September 2019, (and Annex) (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [3] Al Jazeera, “Sudan coup: Which constitutional articles have been suspended?” 26 October 2021,  (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [4] France 24, “Sudan’s Burhan says army ousted government to avoid civil war,” 26 October 2021,  (accessed on 27 October 2021).

    [5] Al Jazeera, “‘No to army rule’: Pro-democracy protesters take to Sudan streets,” 27 October 2021; BBC News, “Sudan coup: Why the army is gambling with the future,” 27 October 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-59050473 (both accessed on 27 October 2021).

    [6] International Crisis Group, “Reversing Sudan’s Dangerous Coup,” 26 October 2021. See also BBC News, “Killings of Peaceful Sudanese Democracy Protesters Demand Accountability: Urgent International Action Needed to Prevent Further Violence,” 21 September 2021, (both accessed on 27 October 2021).

    [7] See previous civil society letters on Sudan, in particular International Refugee Rights Initiative et al., “Killings of Peaceful Sudanese Democracy Protesters Demand Accountability: Urgent International Action Needed to Prevent Further Violence,” 6 June 2019, ; DefendDefenders et al., “Sudan: ensuring a credible response by the UN Human Rights Council,” 3 September 2019, (and Annex); DefendDefenders et al., “The Human Rights Council should support human rights reforms in Sudan,” 9 September 2020,  (all accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [8] Human Rights Watch, “‘They Were Shouting ‘Kill Them’: Sudan’s Violent Crackdown on Protesters in Khartoum,” 17 November 2019, (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [9] For a comprehensive list of responses by Governments and intergovernmental organizations to the military coup, see Sudan Unlimited, “World Unites with the People of Sudan and Against #SudanCoup,” (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [10]IGAD Statement On The Current Political Development In Sudan,” 25 October 2021,  (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [11] Asharq al-Awsat, “Arab League Expresses ‘Deep Concern’ over Sudan,” 25 October 2021,  (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [12]Statement of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission on the situation in Sudan,” 25 October 2021,  (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [13] AU PSC, “Declaration on the Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government” (AHG/Decl.5 (XXXVI)), 10-12 July 2000, (accessed on 25 October 2021).

    [14]Communiqué of the 1041st meeting of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union held on 26 October 2021 on the Situation in Sudan,” 27 October 2021, (accessed on 27 October 2021).

    [15]Statement attributable to the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General - on Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [16]SRSG Statement about Reports of an Ongoing Coup and Attempts to Undermine Sudan’s Political Transition,” 25 October 2021,  (accessed on 26 October 2021).

    [17]Statement by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on the coup d’état in Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).


     Civic space in Sudan is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor.

  • Sudan: Urgently convene a special session and establish an investigative mechanism

    TO PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES OF MEMBER AND OBSERVER STATES OF THE UNITED NATIONS (UN) HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL (GENEVA, SWITZERLAND)

    Excellencies, In light of the unfolding human rights crisis in Sudan, and notwithstanding efforts to stop the fighting by the African Union (AU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and other regional and international actors, we, the undersigned non-governmental organisations, are writing to urge your delegation to address the human rights dimensions of the crisis by supporting the convening of a special session of the UN Human Rights Council.

    In line with the Council’s mandate to prevent violations and to respond promptly to human rights emergencies, States have a responsibility to act by convening a special session and establishing an investigative and accountability mechanism addressing all alleged human rights violations and abuses in Sudan.

    We urge your delegation to support the adoption of a resolution that requests the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to urgently organize an independent mechanism to investigate human rights violations and advance accountability in Sudan, whose work would complement the work of the designated Expert on Sudan.

    * * *

    On 15 April 2023, explosions and gunfire were heard as violence erupted in Khartoum and other Sudanese cities between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) led by Sudan’s current head of state as Chairperson of the Sovereign Council (SC), General Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, and a paramilitary group, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also known as “Hemedti”).

    As of 25 April 2023, at midnight, a 72-hour ceasefire has been announced. The death toll, however, is estimated at over 400 civilians, with thousands injured. Actual figures are likely to be much higher as most of Khartoum’s hospitals have been forced to close and civilians injured during the crossfire cannot be rescued. Millions of residents are trapped in their homes, running out of water, food and medical supplies as electricity is cut and violence is raging in the streets of Khartoum. Banks have been closed and mobile money services severely restricted, which limits access to cash, including salary and remittances. Diplomats and humanitarians have been attacked. The fighting has spread to other cities and regions, including Darfur, threatening to escalate into full-blown conflict.

    In a Communiqué, the AU Peace and Security Council noted “with grave concern and alarm the deadly clashes […], which have reached a dangerous level and could escalate into a full-blown conflict,” “strongly condemned the ongoing armed confrontation” and called for “an immediate ceasefire by the two parties without conditions, in the supreme interest of Sudan and its people in order to avoid further bloodshed and harm to […] civilians.”

    * * *

    In light of these developments, we urge your delegation to support the adoption, during a special session on the unfolding human rights crisis in Sudan, of a resolution that, among other actions:

        • Requests the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to urgently organize on the most expeditious basis possible an independent investigative mechanism, comprising three existing international and regional human rights experts, for a period of one year, renewable as necessary, and complementing, consolidating and building upon the work of the designated Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan and the country office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, with the following mandate:
          • To undertake a thorough investigation into alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law and violations of international humanitarian law and related crimes committed by all parties in Sudan since 25 October 2021, including on their possible gender dimensions, their extent, and whether they may constitute international crimes, with a view to preventing a further deterioration of the human rights situation;
          • To establish the facts, circumstances and root causes of any such violations and abuses, to collect, consolidate, analyze and preserve documentation and evidence, and to identify, where possible, those individuals and entities responsible;
          • To make such information accessible and usable in support of ongoing and future accountability efforts, and to formulate recommendations on steps to be taken to guarantee that the authors of these violations and abuses are held accountable for their acts and to end the cycle of impunity in Sudan;
          • To provide guidance on justice, including criminal accountability, reparations, and guarantees of non-recurrence;
          • To integrate a gender perspective and a survivor-centred approach throughout its work;
          • To engage with Sudanese parties and all other stakeholders, in particular United Nations agencies, civil society, refugees, the designated Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan, the field presence of the Office of the High Commissioner in Sudan, African Union bodies and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, in order to provide the support and expertise for the immediate improvement of the situation of human rights and the fight against impunity; and
          • To ensure the complementarity and coordination of this effort with other efforts of the United Nations, the African Union and other appropriate regional and international entities, drawing on the expertise of, inter alia, the African Union and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to the extent practicable;
        • Decides to enhance the interactive dialogue on the situation of human rights in the Sudan, called for by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 50/1, at its 53rd session so as to include the participation of other stakeholders, in particular representatives of the African Union, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and civil society;
        • Requests the independent investigative mechanism to present an oral briefing to the Human Rights Council at its 54th and 55th sessions, and a comprehensive written report at its 56th session, and to present its report to the General Assembly and other relevant international bodies; and
        • Requests the Secretary-General to provide all the resources and expertise necessary to enable the Office of the High Commissioner to provide such administrative, technical and logistical support as is required to implement the provisions of the present resolution, in particular in the areas of fact-finding, legal analysis and evidence-collection, including regarding sexual and gender-based violence and specialized ballistic and forensic expertise.

    We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.

    Sincerely,

    First signatories (as of 26 April 2023):

    1. Act for Sudan
    2. Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture in the Central African Republic (ACAT-RCA)
    3. African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS)
    4. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS)
    5. AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
    6. Algerian Human Rights Network (Réseau Algérien des Droits de l’Homme)
    7. Amnesty International
    8. Angolan Human Rights Defenders Coalition
    9. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    10. Atrocities Watch Africa (AWA)
    11. Beam Reports – Sudan
    12. Belarusian Helsinki Committee
    13. Burkinabè Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CBDDH)
    14. Burundian Coalition of Human Rights Defenders (CBDDH)
    15. Cabo Verdean Network of Human Rights Defenders (RECADDH)
    16. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
    17. Cameroon Women’s Peace Movement (CAWOPEM)
    18. Central African Network of Human Rights Defenders (REDHAC)
    19. Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) – Mozambique
    20. Centre de Formation et de Documentation sur les Droits de l’Homme (CDFDH) – Togo
    21. CIVICUS
    22. Coalition of Human Rights Defenders-Benin (CDDH-Bénin)
    23. Collectif Urgence Darfour
    24. CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide)
    25. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    26. EEPA – Europe External Programme with Africa
    27. Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Center (EHRDC)
    28. FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights)
    29. Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile (FORSC) – Burundi
    30. Gender Centre for Empowering Development (GenCED) – Ghana
    31. Gisa Group – Sudan
    32. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
    33. Horn of Africa Civil Society Forum (HoA Forum)
    34. Human Rights Defenders Coalition Malawi
    35. Human Rights Defenders Network – Sierra Leone
    36. Human Rights House Foundation
    37. Institut des Médias pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme (IM2DH) – Togo
    38. International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI)
    39. International Commission of Jurists
    40. International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI)
    41. International Service for Human Rights
    42. Ivorian Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CIDDH)
    43. Jews Against Genocide
    44. Journalists for Human Rights (JHR) – Sudan
    45. Justice Africa Sudan
    46. Justice Center for Advocacy and Legal Consultations – Sudan
    47. Libyan Human Rights Clinic (LHRC)
    48. Malian Coalition of Human Rights Defenders (COMADDH)
    49. MENA Rights Group
    50. Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network (MozambiqueDefenders – RMDDH)
    51. NANHRI – Network of African National Human Rights Institutions
    52. National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders – Kenya
    53. National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders – Somalia
    54. National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders-Uganda (NCHRD-U)
    55. Network of Human Rights Journalists (NHRJ) – The Gambia
    56. Network of the Independent Commission for Human Rights in North Africa (CIDH Africa)
    57. Never Again Coalition
    58. Nigerien Human Rights Defenders Network (RNDDH)
    59. Pathways for Women’s Empowerment and Development (PaWED) – Cameroon
    60. PAX Netherlands
    61. PEN Belarus
    62. Physicians for Human Rights
    63. POS Foundation – Ghana
    64. Project Expedite Justice
    65. Protection International Africa
    66. REDRESS
    67. Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS) – Sudan
    68. Réseau des Citoyens Probes (RCP) – Burundi
    69. Rights Georgia
    70. Rights for Peace
    71. Rights Realization Centre (RRC) – United Kingdom
    72. Salam for Democracy and Human Rights
    73. Society for Threatened Peoples
    74. Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (Southern Defenders)
    75. South Sudan Human Rights Defenders Network (SSHRDN)
    76. Sudanese American Medical Association (SAMA)
    77. Sudanese American Public Affairs Association (SAPAA)
    78. Sudanese Women Rights Action
    79. Sudan Human Rights Hub
    80. Sudan NextGen Organization (SNG)
    81. Sudan Social Development Organisation
    82. Sudan Unlimited
    83. SUDO UK
    84. Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC)
    85. The Institute for Social Accountability (TISA)
    86. Togolese Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CTDDH)
    87. Tunisian League for Human Rights (LTDH)
    88. Waging Peace
    89. World Council of Churches
    90. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
    91. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

    ANNEX: KEY HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES IN SUDAN, PRE-15 APRIL 2023

    Sudan’s human rights situation has been of utmost concern for decades. In successive letters to Permanent Missions to the UN Human Rights Council, Sudanese and international civil society groups highlighted outstanding human rights concerns dating back to the pre-2019 era, including near-complete impunity for grave human rights violations and abuses, some of which amounting to crimes under international law.

    Civil society organisations also attempted to draw attention to post-2019 human rights issues, including the brutal crackdown on peaceful protesters during and after the 2018-2019 popular protests and after the military coup of 25 October 2021. They repeatedly called for ongoing multilateral action, stressing that as the UN’s top human rights body, the Council had a responsibility to ensure scrutiny of Sudan’s human rights situation and to support the Sudanese people’s demands for freedom, justice, and peace.

    During a special session held on 5 November 2021, the Council adopted a resolution requesting the High Commissioner to designate an Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan. As per resolution S-32/1, which was adopted by consensus, the Expert’s mandate will be ongoing “until the restoration of [Sudan’s] civilian-led Government.” As per Council resolution 50/1, also adopted by consensus, in July 2022, the Council requested the presentation of written reports and the holding of additional debates on Sudan’s human rights situation.

    The violence that erupted on 15 April 2023, which resulted from persisting disagreements regarding security and military reforms and unaddressed issues of accountability of security forces and lack of security sector reform, came against a backdrop of severe restrictions on human rights and fundamental freedoms.

    Observers’ and civil society actors’ fears of a deterioration of the situation, immediately prior to 15 April 2023, including in the form of an intensified crackdown on peaceful protesters in Khartoum and violence in the capital and in the conflict areas of Darfur, Blue Nile, and South Kordofan, as well as in Eastern Sudan, were well founded. These fears were made credible by the history of violence and abuse that characterises Sudan’s armed and security forces, including the SAF, the RSF, and the General Intelligence Service (GIS) (the new name of the infamous National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS)).

    Since the 25 October 2021 coup, de facto authorities systematically used excessive and sometimes lethal force, as well as arbitrary detention to crack down on public assemblies. The situation was particularly dire for women and girls, who face discriminatory laws, policies, and practices, as well as sexual and gender-based violence, including rape and the threat of rape in relation to protests and conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan’s conflict areas.

    National investigative bodies, such as the committee set up to investigate the 3 June 2019 massacre in Khartoum, had failed to publish any findings or identify any perpetrators.

    The situation in Darfur, 20 years after armed conflict broke out between the Sudanese government and rebel groups, remained particularly concerning. Intercommunal and localised violence in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile had escalated since October 2021, resulting in civilian casualties, destruction of property and human rights violations. Emergency laws and regulations remained in place, stifling the work of independent actors. In Blue Nile State, fighting had increased in scope and expanded to new areas.

    Cruel, inhuman and degrading punishments that were common in the Al-Bashir regime were still being handed out by the courts of laws. Throughout the country, the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC) continued to unduly restrict the operations of civil society organisations, including through burdensome registration and re-registration requirements, restrictions to movement, and surveillance.

    These added to long-standing, unaddressed human rights issues UN actors, experts, and independent human rights organisations identified during the three decades of the Al-Bashir regime. Among these issues, impunity for grave human rights violations and abuses remains near-complete.

    As of early April 2023, the country was in a phase of political dialogue. On 5 December 2022, the Sudanese military and civilian representatives, including the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), which played a key role in the 2018-2019 revolution, signed a preliminary agreement, known as the Political Framework Agreement. The agreement was supposed to be a first step in paving the way for a comprehensive agreement on the transition, which was supposed to be led by civilians and lead to the holding of elections at the end of a two-year period. The agreement, however, excluded key issues such as justice and accountability. Strong disagreements persisted regarding key security and military reforms. Influential actors, including major political parties and the resistance committees, rejected the deal altogether.

    The political stalemate and mounting tensions also threatened the implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement, signed on 3 October 2020 between the then Transitional Government and parties to the peace process, including armed groups that were involved in the conflicts that have affected several of Sudan’s regional States in the last three decades.

  • Tanzania: 38 NGOs call on states to express concern over human rights

    Today, CIVICUS and 37 Tanzanian, African and international human rights organisations publish a letter calling on states to use the next session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) to raise concern over Tanzania’s situation in order to prevent a further deterioration.

    Since a group of 30 NGOs first wrote a letter on Tanzania, in August 2018, the space for human rights defenders (HRDs), civil society, journalists, bloggers, the media, LGBTI persons, and opposition and dissenting voices has continued to shrink. The situation in Tanzania, which ranks 118th in Reporters Without Borders’ World Press Freedom Index this year, calls for a response at the United Nations. This can be in the form of individual (national) or joint statements by state delegations.

    In the letter, the group of NGOs say: “While we do not believe that at this point, the situation calls for a [HRC] resolution, warning signs of a mounting human rights crisis exist.” We echo the statements delivered in recent months by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and call for preventative engagement with the Tanzanian government.


    To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations Human Rights Council

    Open letter to States on preventative engagement with, and action on, Tanzania at the Human Rights Council’s 41st session
     
    Excellency,
     
    Ahead of the 41st regular session of the UN Human Rights Council (“the Council”), which will take place from 24 June-12 July 2019, we write to call on your delegation to deliver statements, both jointly and individually, and to engage in bilateral démarches to address the ongoing dete­rio­ration of the human rights situation in the United Republic of Tanzania. 

    Since a group of 30 civil society organisations (CSOs) first addressed a letter on Tanzania to Council Members and Observers, in August 2018 references [1], the space for human rights defenders (HRDs), civil society, journalists, bloggers, the media, LGBTI persons, and opposition and dissenting voices has continued to shrink. While we do not believe that at this point, the situation calls for a resolution, warning signs of a mounting human rights crisis exist. 

    In recent months, draconian legislation enacted since 2015 and legal and extra-judicial methods used to harass HRDs, threaten independent journalism, and restrict freedom of opinion and expression, peaceful assembly and association have been supplemented with measures that result in further closing the civic and democratic space in the country. [2]

    Recent legislative, policy and practical developments have led to increased international and regional attention on Tanzania. The surge in the number, and strengthening of the wording, of statements delivered by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights indicate that global concern is growing over the situation in the country, which for decades demonstrated a commitment to improving the human rights of all people, both nationally and within East Africa. 

    On 2 November 2018, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet raised the alarm on the fact that “[l]esbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people [have] been subjected to growing violence, harassment and discrimination over the past two years.” She expressed concern over these steps, warning that they “could turn into a witch-hunt and could be interpreted as a licence to carry out violence, intimidation, bullying, harassment and discrimination against those perceived to be LGBT.”[3]

    On 4 February 2019, during an informal conversation Ms. Bachelet held with the Council President and Members, Ms. Bachelet raised concern about amendments to the Political Parties Act, stating: “Legislation passed by Tanzania’s Parliament last month sets up significant obstacles to the registration of political parties, and restricts them from carrying out basic activities like holding rallies and taking public stands on issues. This will clearly hamper prospects for free and fair elections in 2020.”[4] 

    Ms. Bachelet asked Council Members to “engage Tanzania bilaterally on its rights situation” and urged the country to “accept visits of the Special Rapporteurs to advise on measures to protect public freedoms and other human rights concerns,” citing legislative curbs on freedom of opinion and expression, attacks on several prominent civil society members and opposition figures, restrictions on women’s access to health, and an overall “climate [that] denies Tanzanians their rights.” 

    Since then, despite assurances provided by then Tanzanian Minister for Constitutional and Legal Affairs (now Foreign Minister), H.E. Mr. Palamagamba Kabudi, during the Council’s High-Level Segment [5], the situation has continued to deteriorate. Further signs of serious backsliding include the NGOs Coordination Board’s decision, on 17 April 2019, to de-register six CSOs. As reported by Watetezi TV, the revocation is based on the claims that the organisations had purportedly violated national values, principles and regulations of NGOs and operated against their own constitutions. They include the Community Health Education Services and Advocacy (CHESA), Kazi Busara na Hekima (KBH Sisters), AHA Development Organization Tanzania, Pathfinder Green City, Hope and Others, and HAMASA Poverty Reduction (HAPORE). 

    On 25 April 2019, Dr. Wairagala Wakabi, the Executive Director of the Uganda-based Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), was detained, upon arrival, at Dar es Salaam Julius Nyerere International Airport. After hours of interrogation, Dr. Wakabi was deported back to Uganda as a “prohibited immigrant”. Law­yers reported that the au­tho­rities denied him entry into Tanzania on vague grounds of “national interest.”[6] CIPESA’s work in Tanzania and across Africa, advocates for human rights online.
     
    Earlier, on 27 February 2019, the Information Services Department, which oversees newspaper licenses, tem­porarily suspended the publication license of The Citizen newspaper, on accusations that it had published reports that were “false,” “misleading,” and “seditious.” The suspension order cited, inter alia, a 22 July 2018 article on a sta­tement by US Senator Bob Menendez, which pointed to the erosion of democracy in Tanzania. Tanzanian authorities alleged the article contained “falsehoods” and had “se­di­tious intent” as defined in Article 52 of Tanzania's Media Services Act. [7]

    Meanwhile, the fate or whereabouts of journalist Azory Gwanda, who disappeared in November 2017, remain unknown, which further highlights the need for the establishment of protection mechanisms for journalists and HRDs in Tanzania. 

    The only recent, noticeable positive development is the 28 March 2019 judgment by the East African Court, which ruled that Sections 7(3)(a), (b), (f), (g), (h), (i) and (j); 19, 20 and 21; 35, 36, 37, 38, 39 and 40; and 58 and 59 of the abovementioned Media Services Act violate the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community. The Court directed the Tanzanian Government to take such measures as necessary to bring the Media Services Act into compliance with the Treaty [8]. This judgment offers a ray of hope in regional and international mechanisms as avenues for  ensuring respect for human rights in Tanzania. 

    Building on these steps, we call on your delegation to make use, at the Council’s 41st session, of the following agenda items to raise concern over Tanzania, both jointly and in your national capacity: 

    Specifically, your delegation could encourage the Tanzanian Government to set a date for special procedure visits, starting with the visit of the Special Rapporteur on peaceful assembly and association, whose visit request has been agreed in principle in 2018 and in line with the statements delivered by the Tanzanian delegation at the Council’s 39th session [11]. 

    Additionally, bilateral engagement in multilateral fora such as the Council and at the embassy level, in Tanzania, should be used to raise relevant issues with the Government. 

    The options outlined in the present letter fit in a form of preventative engagement the Council has been seeking to promote as it works towards operationalizing its “prevention mandate.” The 41st session should be leveraged to help prevent a further deterioration of the human rights situation in Tanzania. 

    We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information.

    Sincerely,

    African Defenders (the Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
    African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX)
    Amnesty International
    ARTICLE 19
    Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE) – Ethiopia
    Association for Progressive Communications (APC)
    Center for Civil Liberties – Ukraine
    Central Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (Réseau des Défenseurs des Droits Humains en Afrique Centrale – REDHAC) 
    The Centre for Peace and Advocacy (CPA) – South Sudan
    CIVICUS
    Civil Rights Defenders
    Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)
    Committee to Protect Journalists
    Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
    DefendDefenders (the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    Geneva for Human Rights / Genève pour les Droits de l'Homme
    Human Rights Defenders Network – Sierra Leone
    Human Rights Watch
    International Commission of Jurists  
    International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) 
    International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) 
    International Service for Human Rights
    The International Youth for Africa (IYA) – South Sudan
    JASS (Just Associates)
    Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC)
    Ligue burundaise des droits de l’homme ITEKA – Burundi
    MARUAH – Singapore
    The Network of South Sudan Civil Society Organizations in Uganda (NoSSCOU)
    The Nile Centre for Human Rights (NCHR – South Sudan)
    Odhikar – Bangladesh
    The ONE Campaign
    Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN) 
    Reporters Without Borders
    Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
    Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC)
    West Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (ROADDH/WAHRDN) 
    World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) 


    [1] DefendDefenders et al., “Tanzania: Open letter to States for joint action to address crackdown on civic space and prevent a further deterioration of the situation,” 16 August 2018, https://www.defenddefenders.org/press_release/hrc39-address-crackdown-on-civic-space-in-tanzania/(accessed 25 April 2019). 

    [2] Ibid., and see below for recent developments. Relevant laws include the Electronic and Postal Communications Act (2010) and Online Content Regulations (2018), the Statistics Act (2015), the Cybercrimes Act (2015), the Media Services Act (2016), and the Access to Information Act (2016). See full analysis in DefendDefenders, “Spreading Fear, Asserting Control: Tanzania’s assault on civic space,” 26 June 2018, https://www.defenddefenders.org/publication/spreading-fear-asserting-control-tanzanias-assault-on-civic-space/, accessed 25 April 2018.

    [3] Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), “Bachelet: Tanzania has duty to protect – not further endanger – LGBT people,” 2 November 2018, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23817&LangID=E (accessed 25 April 2019). 

    [4] See also Reuters, “Tanzania MPs grant government sweeping powers over political parties,” 30 January 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-tanzania-politics/tanzania-mps-grant-government-sweeping-powers-over-political-parties-idUSKCN1PO0IA (accessed 25 April 2019). 

    [5] Statement available on the HRC webcast, http://webtv.un.org/search/tanzania-high-level-segment-5th-meeting-40th-regular-session-human-rights-council/6007149576001/?term=kabudi&sort=date (accessed 25 April 2019). 

    [8] CIPESA, “CIPESA Executive Director Detained At Tanzania Airport – UPDATE,” 25 April 2019, https://cipesa.org/2019/04/cipesa-executive-director-detained-at-tanzania-airport/ (accessed on 1st May 2019).

    [7] Committee to Protect Journalists, “Tanzania imposes 7-day publication ban on The Citizen,” 1st March 2019, https://cpj.org/2019/03/tanzania-citizen-7-day-publication-ban.php (accessed on 1st May 2019). 

    [9] East African Court of Justice, First Instance Division, Reference No.2 of 2017, Media Council of Tanzania, Legal and Human Rights Centre Tanzania Human Rights, and Defenders Coalition vs. The Attorney General of the United Republic of Tanzania, 28 March 2019, available at: http://eacj.eac.int/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/Referene-No.2-of-2017.pdf(accessed 24 April 2019). 

    [10] Although we do not believe that, at this point, Tanzania deserves to be considered under the same item as countries with some of the gravest human rights records, a diplomatically-worded statement under item 4, which would refer to the need for Tanzania to engage in dialogue and cooperation and to take corrective action before the situation calls for a more robust multilateral response, could make a useful contribution to sending the Government the right message. 

    [11] Tanzania should be encouraged to accept advisory services to review and amend its legislation in order to bring it in line with its constitutional and international obligations, as well as to review and amend policies and practices, in particular those of law enforcement officials and regulatory authorities working with civil society and the media. 

    [12] In a statement delivered under item 3 (GD), on 14 September 2018, Tanzania stated: “The United Republic of Tanzania remains fully committed to the promotion and protection of human rights in the country and globally. We call upon the International Community to continue supporting us in this endeavour.” In a right of reply the Tanzanian delegation exercised on 11 September 2018, under item 2, Tanzania addressed a series of concerns that had been expressed over its domestic situation and pledged to “continue working diligently to improve its human rights situation” (full statements available on the HRC extranet). 

  • The Human Rights Council should listen to the voices of those affected

    Statement at the 49th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Item 2 General Debate

    Delivered byLisa Majumdar

    Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you to the High Commissioner for her update.

    There is so much the Council can and should do during this session to address the grave situations you reported. The successes and failures of this Council have a tangible impact for those at the forefront of defending human rights.

    Last week the Council acted strongly on the conflict in Ukraine to take a step towards accountability for Russian aggression. This session, we expect the Council to take its opportunity to strengthen human rights and protect civic space elsewhere. To build on accountability efforts in Myanmar. To take robust action on Nicaragua’s worsening human rights crisis, and to address the civic space backsliding in Cambodia. And to strengthen protection for those standing up for human rights in conflict zones.

    The success and credibility of the Council relies on the engagement and participation of those on the frontline of human rights – the activists, journalists, environmentalists, colleagues – who risk their lives and freedom to stand up for human rights. The Council is stronger when it has the full participation of civil society, and can hear the voices of those affected. It can protect and support those trying to effect positive change in extraordinarily difficult circumstances. It can create a route to justice for victims of violations and accountability for perpetrators.

    But it can only do so if its members, as set out in GA Resolution 60/251 ‘uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights.’ Their failure to do so weakens the Council, and undermines its outcomes. We call on the Council to seek the reform needed to address this.

    We thank you.

  • The climate emergency is a threat to human rights and human life

    Statement at the 43rd Session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Watch statement delivered by youth climate activist, Paloma Costa:

    My name is Paloma Costa and I am from a region where the Amazon is threatened and human rights seem to mean nothing. I am the outcome of this dominant paradigm of development, an economic model that we insist that "sustains" our nations but is not sustainable at all. Where mining and large enterprises are destroying our land and our people. 

    So, I want to state something today: Our lives are not for sale. Our lands are not for sale. We are facing a systemic crisis and we cannot come with market solutions to human problems. 

    While we are here convened and discussing human rights, there are still people being killed, arrested and oppressed, just for being social-environmentalists, forest protectors or activists. There are still negotiations of climate change lead by deniers of science and deniers of the climate crisis. The climate emergency is a threat to human rights and human life. And we are drowning in your lack of action in order to make deep structural changes in our society. 

    And we have the solutions! We can defeat local struggles if it becomes a global fight! What more do we need to see to start turning all those resolutions and recommendations available into commitments and policies? To adopt mechanisms where people have responsibility for their actions and recommendations given really guide the parties, in an inclusive, deliberative and binding way?

    That’s why I stand here, to amplify those unheard voices of young people whose human rights are being violated, especially in the global south. But what I really wanted to see is all of these voices here with me, because we are the conscience in the work you do, and we are ready to be part of the solution andtake climate action NOW! We just need to be heard and that our calls turn into concrete action.So I still have hope. Because, your pencils have both the power to heal or to kill. So what will you choose?

    We all have a dream of a beautiful world, and we should honour that dream by doing the necessary work to make it happen. I want to be a co-creator of the world I dream of. The indigenous united themselves in Raoni’s land to protect their territories and as Célia Xakriabá, said: the limits of these lands are in our conscience. So, are you conscious to unite and protect our planet? 

  • The Council must address arbitrary detention of human rights defenders

    Statement at the 48th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Delivered by Lisa Majumdar

    Thank you, Madame President.

    No one should be arbitrarily detained simply for peacefully protecting equality, freedom and justice for all. But worldwide, people are in prison for standing up for their rights and for the rights of their communities.

    Teresita Naul is a human rights defender who dedicated her life to protecting the poorest and the most marginalised. She is detained in the Philippines under spurious charges. Teresita’s case is illustrative of how the Philippines has repeatedly criminalised the work of human rights defenders.

    Sudha Bharadwaj is a human rights lawyer, and one of many human rights defenders charged and detained in India under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. This is a clear example of a case in which the use of vague and overly broad national security and anti-terrorism provisions has given authorities wide discretion to criminalise peaceful activities, a tactic highlighted by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention.

    María Esperanza Sánchez García is human rights defender detained in Nicaragua, where false charges have been used as a strategy to criminalise activists and defenders to deny them status of political prisoner, and arbitrary detention used as a tactic to dismantle the political opposition.

    Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, Co-Founder of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights, has spent a decade arbitrarily detained in Bahrain. This year he turned 60 in prison, separated from family and friends.

    Human rights defenders are critical to the functioning of the Council’s mandate. We call on the Council to ensure that States who routinely practice arbitrary detention of human rights defenders are held to account and to ensure that human rights defenders are protected and can continue their vital work.

    We thank you.

    Civic space in the Philippines, India and Nicaragua is repressed and closed in Bahrain as rated by the CIVICUS Monitor

  • The crisis of accountability persists in the Philippines

    Statement at 48th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Delivered by Roneo Clamor, Karapatan

    CIVICUS and Karapatan welcome the High Commissioner’s update.

    In June 2020, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said that violations of human rights, including the widespread and systematic killing of thousands of alleged drug suspects, attacks on human rights activists and the vilification of dissent, were pervasive in the country, and accountability for these actions are virtually non-existent. We have seen no human rights progress on the ground, and the crisis of accountability persists.

    The UN national joint programme for human rights adopted in July 2021 has minimal prospects to improve the situation on the ground, particularly given the obvious lack of political will to do so.

    Those who protect human rights and call for justice continue to be targeted and attacked. Activists have been killed over the year both by the security forces and unknown individuals. In many instances this occurred following reports of them being red-tagged. In virtually none of the cases has anyone been held accountable.

    Others, like 64-year-old human rights worker Teresita Naul, have been arrested on trumped up criminal charges without due process. Senator Leila de Lima remains in prison for politically motivated charges because of her actions to investigate killings in the drug war.

    The draconian Anti-Terror Act, adopted in 2020, appears to be aimed at further criminalising dissent.

    Justice is about holding perpetrators of human rights violations accountable, reparations for the victims, and the non-repetition of the crimes and atrocities committed. None of these will be forthcoming under the current administration, or the current resolution. We urgently call on the Human Rights Council to establish an overdue independent investigation in the Philippines.

    Thank you.

    Civic space in the Philippine is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor

  • The deterioration of civic space in Colombia, Guatemala and Honduras

    37th Session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Statement during the High Commissioner's country briefings

    CIVICUS is extremely concerned about the spate of attacks against HRDs journalists and peaceful protestors that has taken place across Colombia, Guatemala and Honduras. 

    We remain gravely alarmed by the striking inattention given to the disturbing increase of killings of HRDs since the signing of the Peace Agreement by the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla group. Local partners report that 106 defenders were killed and 310 attacks on media workers and journalists took place during 2017. In addition, arbitrary detentions, attacks and judicial harassment are also on the rise.

    Moreover, CIVICUS is concerned about the situation in Honduras.  Honduras has been placed   on the CIVICUS Monitor Watch List because of the violence surrounding the November 2017 contested presidential elections. Protests were met with excessive police force and more than 20 protesters were killed, with many others injured or detained. Additionally, reports show increasing attacks against HRDs who denounce the repression of protests.  There has also been an increase in violations of the right to freedom of expression, including smear campaigns, threats, harassment and physical attacks against media workers and activists expressing dissent on the media.

    Finally, Mr President, CIVICUS is extremely concerned by the continuing violence against local communities involved in land rights struggles in Guatemala. These violations are perpetrated by state security forces or by private security working under the orders of private corporations. The authorities have not taken any action to protect these communities. During one such event in late November 2017, a Maya community that had been evicted from their land and were camping on the side of a road was attacked by security guards that opened fire, killing one community member and injuring another.

    In all three cases, CIVICUS calls on the authorities to stop the use of violence against activists, media workers and peaceful demonstrators, to conduct investigations on threats and attacks, and ensure perpetrators of unlawful killings are brought to justice without further delays.

  • The SDGs will not be achieved unless civic space is protected

    Statement at the 43rd Session of the UN Human Rights Council
    Watch us deliver our statement below:

     

    The report on intersessional meetings on the 2030 Agenda concluded that the Sustainable Development Goals cannot be attained without stronger, inclusive and meaningful public participation in the development and monitoring of policies.

    Civil society plays a critical role in ensuring inclusive policy making by shining a spotlight on the needs of the most vulnerable, by propelling innovation, by identifying solutions to complex development challenges, and by taking responsibility for delivery of services on the ground. Civil society, including human rights defenders, also perform an imperative watchdog role. Without information from the frontlines it is all but impossible to hold states accountable to their commitments under the SDGs.

    When civic space is restricted, these vital roles are compromised. 

    Achieving the SDGs requires an expanded and safeguarded civic space, with the assured protection of human rights defenders. However, commitments made to protect and promote civic space have not been fully realised. Much more needs to be done to ensure that civil society can actively engage in implementation and monitoring of the SDGs.

    To this end, we urge the Council to support the following measures:

    • Adoption of the more robust and relevant indicators on SDGs 16.7, 16.10 and 17.17. 
    • Issue public pronouncements on the importance of civic space from political leaders, diplomats and representatives of intergovernmental institutions. 
    • Enhance the space for civil society groups in Voluntary National Reviews drawing on experiences from the UPRs.

    The SDGs will not be achieved unless civic space is protected and the full participation of civil society is guaranteed, and we call on this Council to hold to account states which do not do so. 


    See our wider advocacy priorities and programme of activities at the 43rd Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  • The UN must address the government of the Philippines pattern of reprisals

    Joint statement at the 45th Session of the UN Human Rights Council -- CIVICUS and Karapatan, delivered by Roneo Clamor


    CIVICUS and its member organisation Karapatan welcome the Secretary General’s report and recommendations on reprisals. It reflects the systemic patterns of reprisals which we see in the Philippines against human rights defenders engaging with the UN.

    Karapatan paralegal Zara Alvarez was killed last month. This year alone, human rights defenders Teresita Naul and Alexander Philip Abinguna were arrested and are still detained, while Karapatan colleagues Jay Apiag, Clarizza Singson, Julius Dagatan, Reylan Vergara, Petty Serrano, and myself, routinely receive online and offline attacks on a daily basis, including judicial harassment. Our Secretary-General Christina Palabay has suffered rape and death threats following advocacy at the Council, including to support the adoption of resolution 41/2 on the Philippines last year. The same patterns of reprisals are reported against other NGOs as well.

    Karapatan was accused by the Philippines government of being a terrorist organization, prompting an independent audit into longstanding funding from Belgium. The audit found no irregularities. But such baseless allegations before the Council impedes our access to resources for human rights advocacy in the Philippines and within UN institutions.

    The Philippines is a member of this Council. That reprisals continue unabated, without accountability, has a direct impact on the worth of the UN as a whole. We urge the Council to address the Philippine government’s patterns of reprisals against human rights defenders. We appeal to the Council to work towards an independent investigation on the human rights situation in the Philippines.


    Civic space in Philippines rated as  Obstructed by the CIVICUS Monitor

  • The work of human rights defenders is crucial to the work of this Council

    Statement at the 49th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

     Item 3 General Debate

    Delivered byLisa Majumdar

    Thank you, Mr President.

    The work of human rights defenders is crucial to the work of this council. It takes a lot of courage to stand up to power, at great personal risk. The report by the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders shows all too clearly what this risk entails.

    In Belarus, seven members of the Human Rights Centre Viasna have been jailed for their human rights work – which is evidence of a larger repression. In Nicaragua, human rights defender María Esperanza Sánchez García has been arbitrarily detained for over two years under false charges. Nicaragua has systematically sought to silence the voices of human rights defenders.

    The Special Rapporteur reiterated again that States must ensure an enabling environment to protect human rights defenders. Spurious legal proceedings brought against defenders not only act as a chilling effect but are also a serious drain of the human and financial resources of defenders and NGOs, compounding other serious challenges in access to resources which prevent defenders and NGOs from carrying out their work. We call on States to ensure access to resources for human rights defenders and other civil society.

    The Council is currently negotiating a resolution which will highlight the work of human rights defenders in conflict and post-conflict situations which resonates all too well in the world today.

    Human rights defenders play a crucial role in conflict prevention and in post-conflict reconstruction, and it is vital to ensure their safety and ability to operate. We call on all states to support and implement the resolution, and we call on the Council to hold states accountable for their treatment of human rights defenders.

  • Timor-Leste: Civil society has played a critical role in strengthening democracy, but civic space shortfalls remain

    Statement at the 50th Session of the UN Human Rights Council 


    Adoption of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) report of Timor-Leste

    Delivered by Marta da Silva, La'o Hamutuk

    Thank you, Mr President.

    La'o Hamutuk, JSMP, HAK, Forum Asia and CIVICUS welcome the government of Timor-Leste’s engagement with the UPR process.

    Civil society played a critical role in achieving Timor-Leste’s sovereignty and strengthening democracy, and human rights defenders, journalists and other civil society members are largely able to work without fear of reprisals.

    However, there is still more to be done to strengthen the right to freedom of expression. Some journalists have faced threats, and some practise self-censorship to deal with such intimidation. We welcome that Timor-Leste accepted a recommendation to revise the Media Law, which contains provisions that can undermine freedom of expression and media freedom. During the review, states also made recommendations in relation to attempts by the government to introduce draft laws that could further stifle freedom of expression, including the proposed Criminal Defamation Law and Cyber Crime Law. We are further alarmed by restrictions on the right to peaceful assembly and the arbitrary arrests of protesters.

    We call on Timor-Leste to address these concerns and ensure a safe, secure and enabling environment for human rights defenders and journalists to carry out their work. Specifically, the government should implement recommendations relating to civic space and:

    • Revise the Media Law to ensure it is in line with international standards and refrain from introducing new laws or provisions limiting either offline or online expression.
    • Ensure that journalists and civil society organisations can work freely and without fear of retribution for expressing critical opinions or covering topics that the government may deem sensitive.
    • Ensure that human rights defenders are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear or undue hindrance, obstruction or harassment and adopt a specific law to ensure the protection of human rights defenders.
    • Amend the Law on Freedom of Assembly and Demonstration to guarantee fully the right to the freedom of peaceful assembly in line with international law and standards.
    • Improve avenues for transparency and public participation in policy-development to ensure that all citizens’ needs and wishes are heard.

    We thank you.


    Civic space in Timor Leste is rated as "Obstructed" by the CIVICUS Monitor 

  • Timor-Leste: States must call on the government to protect civic freedoms

    International human rights groups raise the alarm about the state of civic rights in Timor-Leste ahead of the country's review at the United Nations Human Rights Council on 27 January 2022.

  • To achieve the SDGs, civil society must be supported and protected

    Statement at the 46th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

    Thank you, Madame President.

    CIVICUS welcomes the report on the intersessional meeting for dialogue and cooperation on human rights and the 2030 Agenda. We strongly concur with the report’s consensual conclusions that inclusive collaborative recovery strategies require effective involvement of civil society, and that access to information, transparent communication, solidarity, shared responsibility and mutual accountability are crucial. 

    While this was true before the COVID 19 Pandemic; it is now even more critical that these laudable aims are met. We welcome continued commitment of States to the realisation of Agenda 2030. However, none of the SDGs can be realized while civic space is restricted and human rights defenders are attacked. 

    The CIVICUS Monitor continues to track restrictions in civic space across the globe and shows that only 3% of the world’s population is able to effectively speak out, assemble and take action. How can civil society partner with government to implement sustainable development? How can communities engage and implement these goals at a local level when they are being stifled and their very existence threatened? Misuse of increasing anti-terrorism laws, health emergency laws and cyber-security laws continue to stifle the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly. For us to achieve the sustainable development goals in their entirety, civil society must be supported, promoted and protected. Communities must be empowered and those standing up for their rights must be protected. 

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