Indonesia

  • Rights Groups in Indonesia stand in solidarity with the People of Myanmar

    We, the undersigned civil society organisations in Indonesia, and organisations with presence in Indonesia, express solidarity with the people of Myanmar and condemn the ongoing grave violations committed by the military junta. We reiterate our commitment to call on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the international community to abide by its obligations to hold the perpetrators accountable and to protect the human rights of peoples in Myanmar.

  • Arrests of hundreds at demonstrations on West Papua highlight relentless suppression of dissent
    • Hundreds of West Papuans were arrested for holding peaceful protests
    • Some protesters were attacked by pro-government groups and suffered injuries
    • There has been a failure by the government to address West Papuan grievances and instead respond with repressive tactics

    Mass Arrests IndonesiaIndonesian authorities arbitrarily arrested hundreds of demonstrators across West Papua and other parts of Indonesia on December 1 following peaceful pro-independence protests.

    West Papua is a former Dutch colony that was placed under Indonesian rule following a United Nations-supervised referendum in 1969, which many believe to befraudulent.

    The rallies were held to mark the 57th anniversary of the raising of the Morning Star flag - a banned symbol of Papuan independence – to declare independence from the Netherlands.

    Global civil rights group, CIVICUS, says the arrest of at least 500 activists highlights the continued repression against peaceful pro-independence activism in West Papua and the ongoing impunity for these violations.

    According toreports, peaceful demonstrations took place inseveral locations in West Papua as well as other cities across the country including the cities of Jakarta, Surabaya, Palu, Kupang, Makassar, Manado and Ambon. Most of the arrested have been released.

    In Surabaya city, which saw one of the biggest rallies, protesters were allegedly attacked by pro-government nationalist groups leaving at least 17 injured.

    “The weekend arrests of hundreds of West Papuan activists solely for their peaceful political expression is outrageous and another attempt to silence their ongoing demands. Despite continued promises by President Joko Widodo to address the grievances of West Papuans, all they have faced time and time again are repressive actions by the Indonesian security forces” said Josef Benedict, CIVICUS civic space researcher.

    There have been long standing demands by West Papuan groups for independence due to the exploitation of land and resources and serious human rights violations in the region. Over the decades, the Indonesian security forces have responded brutally with reports of unlawful killings and unnecessary and excessive use of force and firearms during peaceful pro-independence protests and gatherings.

    Political activists and others accused of links to pro-independence groups have been tortured or otherwise ill-treated during arrests. Most recently, in September 2018, at least 67 Papuan student activists were detained by the police for participating in at least three protests in Jayapura..

    “The international community, especially countries in the region, cannot continue to stay silent on the abuses in West Papua. It must push for an end to the suppression of fundamental freedoms there and call for a genuine dialogue between the government and West Papuans to resolve the situation in the region.” said Benedict.

    CIVICUS has called on the Indonesian government to respect the right to freedom of expression and assembly and take the necessary steps to ensure that all police and military personnel who have been involved in human rights violations in West Papua are held accountable. The government must also take measures to ensure that local human rights defenders and journalists are protected and that international human rights organisations, journalists and the UN are provided unimpeded access to the West Papuan region.

    The CIVICUS Monitor, an online platform that tracks threats to civil society in countries across the globe, rates civic space – the space for civil society – in Indonesia as obstructed.

    ENDS

    For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact:

    Josef Benedict

  • As the climate crisis intensifies, so does the crackdown on environmental activism, finds new report

    New research brief from the CIVICUS Monitor examines the crackdown of environmental activism and profiles important victories civil society has scored in the fight for climate justice.

    • Environmental protests are being criminalised and met with repression on all continents
    • State authorities and private companies are common perpetrators of violations to civic freedoms
    • Despite the risks and restrictions, activist groups continue to score important victories to advance climate justice.

    As world leaders meet in Glasgow for the UN Climate Change Negotiations (COP26), peaceful environmental activists are being threatened, silenced and criminalised around the world. The host of this year's meeting is one of many countries where activists are regularly facing rights violations.

    New research from the CIVICUS Monitor looks at the common tactics and restrictions being used by governments and private companies to suppress environmental movements. The research brief “Defenders of our planet: Resilience in the face of restrictions” focuses on three worrying trends: Bans and restrictions on protests; Judicial harassment and legal persecution; and the use of violence, including targeted killings.

    As the climate crisis intensifies, activists and civil society groups continue to mobilise to hold policymakers and corporate leaders to account. From Brazil to South Africa, activists are putting their lives on the line to protect lands and to halt the activities of high-polluting industries. The most severe rights abuses are often experienced by civil society groups that are standing up to the logging, mining and energy giants who are exploiting natural resources and fueling global warming.

    As people take to the streets, governments have been instituting bans that criminalise environmental protests. Recently governments have used COVID-19 as a pretext to disrupt and break up demonstrations. Data from the CIVICUS Monitor indicates that the detention of protesters and the use of excessive force by authorities are becoming more prevalent.

    In Cambodia in May 2021, three environmental defenders were sentenced to 18 to 20 months in prison for planning a protest  against the filling of a lake in the capital. While in Finland this past June, over 100 activists were arrested for participating in a protest calling for the government to take urgent action on climate change. From authoritarian countries to  mature democracies, the research also profiles those who have been put behind bars for peacefully protesting.

    “Silencing activists and denying them of their fundamental civic rights is another tactic being used by leaders to evade and delay action on climate change” said Marianna Belalba Barreto, Research Lead for the CIVICUS Monitor. “Criminalising nonviolent protests has become a troubling indicator that governments are not committed to saving the planet .”

    The report shows that many of the measures being deployed by governments to restrict rights are not compatible with international law. Examples of courts and legislative bodies reversing attempts to criminalise nonviolent climate protests are few and far between.

    Despite the increased risks and restrictions facing environmental campaigners, the report also shows that a wide range of campaigns have scored important victories, including the closure of mines and numerous hazardous construction projects. Equally significant has been the rise of climate litigation by activist groups. Ironically, as authorities take activists to court for exercising their fundamental right to protest, activist groups have successfully filed lawsuits against governments and companies in over 25 countries for failing to act on climate change.


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  • EU-Southeast Asia CSOs Recommendations to the 4th EU-ASEAN Policy Dialogue on Human Rights

    On behalf of the CSOs[1] that participated at the 2nd EU-Southeast Asia CSOs Forum held on October 24-22, 2022 in Jakarta, and in parallel with the 4th EU-ASEAN Policy Dialogue on Human Rights, we would like to express our gratitude to the EU-ASEAN Forum on Human Rights for the space and opportunity to engage in a dialogue with civil society representatives. We believe that this is proof of commitment for improved communication, coordination, and meaningful engagement between CSOs, ASEAN, and the EU to achieve our common aspiration to leave no one behind.

    On this occasion, we hereby submit the following recommendations to strengthen human rights protection within the ASEAN and the EU. The recommendations are based on present and emerging challenges faced by human rights defenders and pro-democracy activists, and on recommendations submitted by CSOs at the EU-ASEAN Human Rights Dialogue in 2019. We request for the inclusion of the attached submission as part of the official meeting notes. In this light, we urge immediate steps to be taken, collectively with civil society organisations across both regions, towards the implementation and monitoring of our recommendations.

    Present and Emerging Challenges

    After the First EU-ASEAN Human Rights Dialogue with CSO in 2019, the socio-political and economic situations in the ASEAN and the EU have tremendously regressed. These were mainly brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, climate crisis, and the rise of militarism and authoritarianism. With respect to critical security issues, the Russian invasion of Ukraine led by President Vladimir Putin has resulted in deaths and injuries of thousands of civilians. Since 1 February 2021, the attempted military coup in Myanmar has spurred a cross-regional political, human rights, and humanitarian crisis. As of this writing, more than 1,000,000 people have been displaced, with more than 2,000 civilians killed, and 15,000 arrested. The use of excessive force by police and military against civilians claiming their basic human rights and fundamental freedoms has been perpetuated with impunity across the region.

    The COVID-19 pandemic has, indeed, aggravated the shrinking of civic spaces. Instead of meaningfully addressing challenges and needs of the vulnerable, authoritarian states have even accumulated more power by convoluting health emergencies and national security approaches. Numerous documents have revealed how COVID-19 was used as a pretext to adopt restrictive laws to curb access to information, justice, and basic services. State-sponsored disinformation and misinformation were intensified. Dissenting opinions towards government pandemics measures were purged. Furthermore, measures to mitigate viral infection limited peoples’ movement and participation in social, economic and political affairs. The proclivity towards securitized approaches has led ASEAN to further exclude civil society and neglect peoples’ voices. This is in breach of the ASEAN Community Vision 2025, which aims to promote a people-centred and people-oriented regional community.

    The climate crisis has led to the global health emergency, political upheavals, gross human rights violation, and humanitarian disasters. Climate change has disproportionately affected planetary health, which is closely linked with the health of its population and their ability to achieve their right to life. These have contributed to the uncertainty and instability of the future, particularly of those who live in fragile situations. In fact, Southeast Asia is already bearing the brunt of climate emergencies. Moreover, rising sea levels, flooding, and typhoons have tremendously increased more recently.

    The current economic systems have perpetuated capitalist greed. Extractive industries have greatly contributed to multiple rights violations, particularly land grabbing. Moreover, they have put the lives of indigenous communities and environmental human rights defenders. With respect to climate action, communities' access to decision-making processes and participation remains virtually absent. As their concerns are neglected, this crisis continues to hinder State obligations to protect and fulfil human rights, Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Worse, more and more people have become vulnerable and disempowered.

    Amidst these crises, communities with pre-existing intersectional vulnerabilities are further discriminated against and marginalised. Pandemic recovery plans have failed to meaningfully address the specific needs of women, youth, children, LGBTQIA+ communities, and persons with disabilities. Furthermore, conflicts and climate emergencies have forcibly displaced people, rendering many stateless and without protection.

    The steady rise of militarism and authoritarianism has many lives at greater risk. Repressive laws and practices, both in offline and online spheres, have become dangerously normalised. These include systematic proliferation of censorship, harassment, arbitrary arrests, violence, misinformation, and state-sponsored propaganda. As of this writing, human rights and environmental rights defenders, pro-democracy activists, dissenters, children, youth, journalists, academics, LGBTQIA+ communities - historically marginalized based on their sexual orientation, gender identity & expression and sexual orientations and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) are finding themselves on the edge of uncertainty and danger.

    These shared lived experiences have proven the urgent need to establish and sustain safe and brave transnational and cross-sectoral networks and solidarity. It is crucial for marginalised individuals and communities to meaningfully engage in multilateral advocacy on human rights, and intersectional issues that matter to them the most.

    Recommendations

    Building on the 2019 Consolidated Recommendations from the first EU-ASEAN CSO Forum, our key recommendation is for EU and ASEAN Member States (referred to as ‘States’) to develop policies, implement measures, and invest in programmes that are inclusive, non-discriminatory, participatory, and proportionate. These should promote greater accountability and sustainability in order to address issues related to public health emergencies, security and climate crises, and the rise of authoritarianism.

    States should ensure that development programs, which are in line with international human rights standards and the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), are designed and implemented to fully advance inclusion, equality, dignity and justice in all corners of ASEAN and the EU.

    READ THE FULL JOINT STATEMENT


    Civic space in Indonesia is rated ‘obstructed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

  • INDONESIA: ‘The Sexual Violence Bill is one step further in claiming the rights of women and children’

    Nuril QomariyahCIVICUS speaks with Nuril Qomariyah, coordinator of Perempuan Bergerak, about the Sexual Violence Bill recently passed in Indonesia and the key roles played by civil society.

    Founded in 2016, Perempuan Bergerak is an Indonesian civil society organisation (CSO) that promotes women’s rights in local communities, striving for the values of equality, justice and human rights, and providing support for both women and men to build more equal gender relationships.

    What is the relevance of the newly passed Sexual Violence Bill?

    The Sexual Violence Bill that Indonesia’s House of Representatives passed on 9 May 2022, formally known as RUU TPKS, seeks to protect victims of sexual violence crimes and help them with the recovery process. 

    The bill deals with nine types of criminal acts of sexual violence regulated in article 4, paragraph 1: non-physical sexual harassment, physical sexual harassment, forced contraception, forced sterilisation, forced marriage, sexual torture, sexual exploitation, sexual slavery and electronic-based sexual violence. Perpetrators proven guilty of these crimes will be subject to imprisonment.

    It is interesting that the inclusion of electronic-based sexual violence received some criticism. In the early stages, when the bill was being drafted, it was not included. However, CSOs and activists advocated for its inclusion because sexual violence cases, especially among young children, are increasingly happening in or in connection with cyberspace.

    How might the new law change things for the better?

    The main outstanding thing about this bill is that it focuses on the victims and seeks to create an environment that will help them recover from acts of sexual violence. According to a study conducted by the Indonesia Judicial Research Society, the law should be appreciated because it clearly takes sides with sexual violence victims by mandating the establishment of mechanisms to support their recovery.

    In its article 30, paragraph 1 the bill states that victims are entitled to services such as restitution and counselling. If the perpetrator is unable to pay restitution the state will compensate the victim in accordance with the court’s decision. Further, victims are recognised as having the right to receive the necessary treatment, the right to be protected and the right to recovery.

    Community-based service providers such as the police are required to receive and follow up on reports of sexual violence and provide assistance to the victims. Under the new law they are no longer allowed to dismiss sexual violence cases, and instead must conduct the investigation needed to help the victims. The role of families, communities and central and local governments in preventing sexual violence is also emphasised. The new law seeks to make victims of sexual violence feel comfortable enough to report their perpetrators and open legal cases against them. We consider this bill fundamental in helping victims and survivors of sexual violence.

    Do you see it as a civil society victory?

    Indeed, we consider this a civil society victory because we have been involved in the whole process and have long advocated for the bill to be passed. CSOs working closely with victims and survivors of sexual violence understand how important this bill is, which is why we were at the forefront of the efforts that resulted in its approval. 

    It took us 10 years to get here. This is quite a long time. During the past decade, we have organised and made sure we built a unified front pushing for this law. Sexual violence is an offence that affects those who constitute the majority in our society; it is women and children who experience it the most. So getting this law passed is one step further in claiming the rights of women and children, including their right to live in a safe and secure environment. 

    The new law empowers victims because it provides tools to respond to cases of sexual violence. We are very happy to see this kind of progress. A victory like this provides confirmation of the great influence our work has on society. 

    What tactics did you use to encourage the passage of the new legislation?

    Perempuan Bergerak is based in Malang, the second-largest city in the province of East Java. We provide safe spaces for people, and especially women, to get together, exchange with one another, learn and organise. We also provide space for men to learn about equality in human relations so they are able to see women as fully autonomous human beings, rather than weak creatures of lesser value who are under their dominion.

    The Sexual Violence Bill is crucial for this work because it has the potential to provide the same kind of safe space, with legal guarantees, for women and children all over Indonesia. This is why we collaborated with various community groups in Malang, including students, academics and activists, to raise wide awareness about the importance of the bill. Perempuan Bergerak has a large virtual community on social media platforms, so we created content to promote the bill and shared it on these platforms. The young generation is very active on social media, so we channelled much of our activism there. 

    In addition to social media activism, we did a lot of work on the ground, including organising discussion forums, making as many appearances as we could on television and local radio stations, and demonstrating on the streets alongside other organisations and activists.

    We are also part of Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil Anti Kekerasan Seksual (KOMPAKS), a coalition of Indonesian civil society groups fighting against sexual violence. As a coalition, we share the same vision and have worked together to push the government to pass this bill. We mobilised in unity throughout the whole process. 

    What challenges do you see moving forward, and how does civil society plan to address them?

    The main challenge we anticipate is implementation. We know we will have to be very vigilant, monitor each implementation stage and make sure local governments respect the law. We have known this would be a challenge all along, so throughout our advocacy and campaigning in the process to get the bill passed we acted together as civil society to create awareness at the community level about the importance of this bill’s implementation. Now that our strategy to get the bill has worked, we will need to keep moving together to ensure a successful process of implementation. We believe that through collaboration with as many stakeholders as possible, including with the government, educational institutions and civil society, we can make the implementation stage progress smoothly.

    Civic space in Indonesia is rated ‘obstructed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
    Get in touch withPerempuan Bergerakthrough itsInstagram page.

  • INDONESIA: ‘We must become an example of successful societal resistance against the threat of autocratic rule’

    MuhammadIsnurCIVICUS speaks about the upcoming general election in Indonesia with Muhammad Isnur, chairperson of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) and Secretary of the Board of theHuman Rights Working Group.

    Founded in 1970, YLBHI is a human rights civil society organisation (CSO) that provides legal aid to excluded communities throughout Indonesia and engages in research, advocacy and empowerment initiatives. Every year the organisation receives at least 3,500 legal complaints and requests for assistance.

    What is at stake in the upcoming general election?

    The upcoming election will define Indonesias trajectory amidst a trend of growing authoritarianism. The incumbent government led by President Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, is responsible for numerous human rights violations. It has targeted poor people through evictions and arrests, weakened anti-corruption efforts and criminalised civil society.

    Jokowi has expressed support for the presidential candidacy of Prabowo Subianto, who faces allegations of crimes against humanity, including abductions and enforced disappearances of activists during mass protests in 1998 that led to the downfall of the Suharto dictatorship. He was dismissed from the military but hasn’t faced accountability and his victims haven’t received reparations, and some remain missing. His victory would be the worst possible scenario for civil society.

    Jokowi has also undermined the rule of law to pave the way for his 36-year-old son, Gibran Rakabuming, to become a vice-presidential candidate. The controversial Constitutional Court ruling issued in October 2023 to grant him an exception to the legal minimum age of 40 to run for president or vice-president was delivered by Chief Justice Anwar Usman, who happens to be Jokowi’s brother-in-law. Gibran represents the interests of the Jokowi government and corrupt and authoritarian economic elites.

    If the ruling elite succeeds in arbitrarily extending its power, there is risk of a resurgence of the kind of authoritarian and oligarchical rule we saw during dictatorship from 1966 to 1998.

    Who are the other contenders, and what are their human rights records?

    The other candidates are Ganjar Pranowo and Mahfud MD of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, which has a long history of wielding power and currently holds the highest number of ministers in the government. Mahfud has defended the Jokowi government for many years and denied the gross human rights violations committed by Indonesian security forces against Indigenous Papuans.

    We’ve also documented numerous human rights violations in Central Java during Ganjar’s tenure as governor. In Kendeng, despite a court decision favourable to the local community opposed to the construction of a cement factory, Ganjar reissued an environmental permit for the construction to proceed. In Wadas, he facilitated the implementation of a mining project aligned with Jokowi’s agenda, disregarding opposition from the local community, which also faced extraordinary repression, including arrests and beatings by the police and disruptions of internet and electricity services.

    The third pair of candidates, Anies Baswedan and Muhaimin Iskandar, in contrast, position themselves as advocates for change. Anies has a social agenda focused on protecting poor people. But they receive support from parties that are integral to the existing power structure and have also backed laws that weakened labour rights and undermined the Corruption Eradication Commission.

    What are the prospects of the election being free and fair?

    The public is concerned about Jokowi’s numerous efforts to make the election unfree and unfair. First, although he later denied it, under the pretext of COVID-19 he planned to amend the constitution to stay for a third term. He then focused on building a political dynasty. He supported his son-in-law and his son to be elected as mayors in Medan and Surakarta. Civil society reports suggest the police and army played an influential role in their victories. Concern persists as Jokowi has signalled support for the Prabowo-Gibran pair and ordered his officials to back his son’s campaign, even though they are required to remain neutral.

    There are also significant concerns about potential fraud, which have prompted civil society to intensify efforts to establish an election monitoring system and set up monitoring mechanisms at polling stations. Civil society remains vigilant, scrutinising any statements, policies or threats that could undermine the integrity of the election.

    Civil society is joining forces to prevent the election of Prabowo. Online activists have created the Four Fingers Movement to urge voters to choose a different pair than Prabowo-Gibran.

    Surveys currently indicate that Prabowo could receive about 40 per cent of the vote. To force a runoff, it’s essential to prevent fraud and secure turnout. If nobody takes over half of the vote on 14 February, civil society and the public may unite around an alternative candidate to counter Prabowo in the runoff. But there are concerns about a potentially low turnout. The number of people choosing not to vote was already high in the previous election.

    What should be done to counter democratic decline in Indonesia?

    Democracy in Indonesia is being eroded by a government that disregards constitutional principles and the rule of law and instead uses laws as tools of power to suit its interests. Jokowi has reinstated the army and police in various public roles and issued presidential decrees and enacted policies to undermine other political parties and eliminate the opposition.

    A key symptom of democratic decline is repression of government critics, including journalists, activists, academics and others advocating for human rights. A revealing example is the case against activists Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti, who faced criminal defamation charges for exposing state corruption and human rights violations in the Papua region. Human rights are being violated across Indonesia as communities are evicted under the pretext of investment or national development projects, and people who denounce this are systematically criminalised.

    But there are other issues that should be tackled to foster democracy in Indonesia. Indonesian political parties lack a clear ideological orientation and don’t represent public interests. Their position depends on their leadership and decisions are often made by a few. There is no internal democracy in political parties. The high costs of campaigning lead parties to rely on support from wealthy investors and businesspeople, undermining transparency and enabling corruption.

    To foster change, we should work toward democratising parties, making them more transparent and accountable. Efforts should be made to involve the public in the legislative process. Laws are sometimes passed within a week without any consultation with civil society. Referendums and other mechanisms should be explored to enhance public participation.

    The upcoming election has additional significance in the face of a global surge in authoritarianism. We must avoid following the path of the Philippines, where the son and daughter of two authoritarian dynasties succeeded in getting elected. We must unite in the face of authoritarianism and become an example of successful societal resistance against the threat of autocratic rule.


    Civic space inIndonesiais rated ‘obstructed’by theCIVICUS Monitor.

    Get in touch with YLBHI through itswebsite orFacebook page, and follow@YLBHI on Twitter.

  • INDONESIA: “Los activistas independentistas pacíficos corren el riesgo de ser considerados terroristas”

    CIVICUS conversa con Samuel Awom, coordinador del grupo de derechos humanos KontraS Papúa, que monitorea violaciones de derechos humanos, realiza trabajo de incidencia en favor de las víctimas y trabaja por la paz en Papúa. KontraS Papúa tiene su sede en Jayapura, la capital de Papúa, y monitorea la situación de derechos humanos en toda la región de Papúa.

  • INDONESIA: “Peaceful pro-independence activists may be labeled as terrorists”

    CIVICUS speaks to Samuel Awom, Coordinator of the human rights group KontraS Papua, which monitors human rights violations, advocates for victims and works for peace in Papua. KontraS Papua is based in Jayapura, Papua’s capital, and monitors human rights issues throughout the Papuan region.

    In Papua, located at the east end of the Indonesian archipelago, there have been gross human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, torture and arbitrary arrest of activists by the Indonesian security forces under the pretext of suppressing separatism. Although Indonesia President Joko Widodo continues to promise to address the grievances of the Papuan people, they face ongoing discrimination, exploitation, and repression.

    Sam Awome

    What is the human rights situation in Papua?

    As shown by the monitoring undertaken by KontraS Papua and other civil society groups, the military and police perpetrate serious human rights violations in the Papuan region. Abductions, killings and other violations of the rights of activists and other civilians by the security forces have taken place since 1963, when Indonesia took over Papua from the Netherlands. This situation has persisted until today. No legal processes have been undertaken to investigate and resolve these incidents. This is a very serious problem in Papua.

    Recent events include the displacement of thousands of people from the Intan Jaya, Nduga, and Puncak areas, where there has been continued conflict between the military and pro-independence armed groups since December 2018.

    In 2019, the situation became extremely tense following incidents of racist speech against Papuan students by the authorities in Java island, which were challenged by mass protests and mobilisation across Papua. In response, there were mass arrests of protesters and activists, which in turn led to violent incidents, including riots and arson. Until today, the instigators and perpetrators of the violence remain unknown and there has been a failure to investigate this. No one has been brought to justice for the killing of students and young people at that time. Many Papuans are still traumatised by this.

    Following this, in December 2019 the armed conflict expanded in the Intan Jaya district, causing thousands of civilians to flee, and some were killed. 

    Most recently, on 25 April 2021, President Joko Widodo ordered the military commander and the chief of police to arrest all members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPN/OPM), an armed pro-independence group, after the head of the Regional State Intelligence Agency was shot dead. On 29 April, the Indonesian government officially categorised the TPN/OPM as a ‘terrorist' organisation. This was followed by the entry of large numbers of security forces into the Puncak district.

    What do you think will be the impact of the government labeling the TPN/OPM as a terrorist group? 

    This comes at a time when all the civil society organisations (CSOs) and peace networks are talking about reconciliation and peace. The end of conflict requires dialogue and negotiation between the central government and Papua. The labelling of the TPN/OPM armed group as terrorists is a regressive move by the Jokowi administration that will close the space for democracy and the protection of human rights.

    This has made the situation in Papua worse. We now see the deployment of thousands of troops to the region and public access to the internet being blocked. This will create a situation for increased human rights violations in Papua, as the anti-terrorism law will allow for arbitrary arrests and undermine the rule of law. The Anti-Terrorism Law grants police powers to hold suspects for up to 221 days without being brought to court – a blatant violation of the right of anyone arrested on a criminal charge to be brought promptly before a judge and be tried within a reasonable time or be released. The law also expands the use of military personnel in counterterrorism operations, which further increases the likelihood of the excessive use of force and other human rights violations.

    In my opinion, this decision was made because the Jokowi administration has been only listening to the view of top military officials and has failed to find a concrete solution to the Papua problem. Meanwhile, all the civil society groups and movements in Papua, as well as the regional parliaments in the provinces and the governor, are calling for dialogue.

    This decision now prevents CSOs from investigating when civilians are attacked in conflict areas because the military operations have brought along restrictions of movement.

    Why is the government carrying out this military operation, and what is its impact on civil society?

    The government's rationale for the operations is that it has accused the TPN/OPM of attacking civilians, including teachers, and burning schools and a plane. Further, the shooting of the head of the Papua Regional State Intelligence Agency in the Puncak district has worsened the situation. However, the shooting has yet to be fully investigated to determine what was behind the shooting, and the investigation needs to be undertaken by an independent team. There has been no further explanation about this so far.

    As a result of this shooting, the head of the Police Security Intelligence Agency, Commissioner General Paulus Waterpauw, stated that human rights activists and CSOs are undermining political stability and damaging democracy in Papua. This creates a risk for human rights defenders, and particularly for Papuan activists working on ending the conflict and who are involved in political discussions around independence, who will be categorised as allied with terrorists, stigmatised, and arbitrarily arrested.

    Why was Viktor Yeimo arrested and what are the charges against him?

    Viktor Yeimo, the international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee and the Papuan People's Petition Against Special Autonomy, was detained by the authorities on 11 May on the grounds that he was behind the 2019 anti-racism protests. However, his interrogation by the police seems to be leaning towards linking him with the TPN/OPM armed group.

    He was arrested in Jayapura, taken to the Papua Police station, and then transferred to the Police Mobile Brigade headquarters in Abepura. He is being investigated for treason, incitement, and broadcasting false information as well as other charges. A coalition of lawyers is supporting him. Communication with his family has been denied and has been made difficult by the authorities.

    Several more activists of the Papuan student alliance movement were also detained in cities inside and outside Papua and have been questioned. The democratic space in Papua is being squeezed.

    This has been reinforced by an internet disruption that began about one month ago after the Papuan head of intelligence was shot. It has made it very difficult for us to communicate with contacts and activists throughout Papua. It has made it challenging to get updates on the situation in the field and to send material to places in Intan Jaya, Nduga, and Puncak Jaya.

    What do Papuan activists need from the international community and civil society?

    We need support from international CSOs working with local civil society to promote and develop the concept of peace and reconciliation. We also need support on how to open negotiations between the central government in Jakarta and Papua. Further, we need to open up the space for access to international CSOs, journalists, and humanitarian monitors in Papua, which is currently closed.

    International actors and governments must also monitor and speak up against the anti-terrorism policies of the Indonesian government that have the potential to increase human rights violations. Civilians in Papua are often viewed as supporting armed groups and this makes them vulnerable. Those who have been displaced because of the conflict must also be assisted by the international community.

    Our hope is that CSOs in Papua, Indonesia, and internationally can work together to protect human rights and seek solutions to severe violations in Papua. There is also a need for international solidarity to seek lasting peace to the conflict in Papua.

    Civic space inIndonesiais rated as ‘obstructedby theCIVICUS Monitor.
    Get in touch with KontraS through itswebsite and follow@KontraS on Twitter. 

  • Indonesia: Academic at risk of imprisonment for online criticism of university hiring procedures

    Joint NGO Statement by CIVICUS, Article 19, KontraS Aceh, LBH Banda Aceh, KontraS and YLBHI

    Saiful Mahdi

  • Indonesia: Acquittal of human rights defenders a victory for freedom of expression

    Haris and Fatia

    The acquittal of prominent human rights defenders Fatia Maulidiyanti and Haris Azhar by the East Jakarta District Court for defamation is a positive development and triumph of justice over repression said CIVICUS, a global civil society alliance today. They should have never been charged in the first place.

    “The acquittal of Fatia and Haris, following two years of judicial harassment, is a victory for freedom of expression and for activists in Indonesia who have been speaking up against injustice. The charges brought against the two activists was a clear form of reprisal for their human rights work,” said Josef Benedict, Asia Pacific researcher for CIVICUS.

    The defamation charges are in response to a YouTube talk show discussing a civil society investigative report alleging links of Indonesian Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment and several other authorities to gold mining activities in the Blok Wabu area in Intan Jaya district of Papua. In August 2021, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, the minister filed a police report against Fatia and Haris.  

    Fatia is the former coordinator of Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras) and Haris is the Executive Director of Lokataru Foundation. Both are human rights organisations.

    In March 2022, after multiple instances of questioning, the Jakarta Police formally indicted Fatia and Haris as suspects in the defamation case under Article 27(3) in conjunction with Article 45 of the Electronic Information and Transaction Law (EIT Law) and Article 310(1) and 311 of the Penal Code.

    Since then, they have had to face at least 31 hearings. In November 2023, the public prosecutor called on the court to sentence Fatia to three years and six months in prison, and Haris to four years in prison along with fines.

    On 8 January 2024, the East Jakarta District Court found that their actions did not amount to defamation and acquitted them of all charges.

    The judicial harassment they faced over the last two years is inconsistent with Indonesia’s Constitution and international human rights commitments, especially under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The EIT Law has been systematically used to harass and intimidate human rights defenders, journalists and critics and restrict their freedom of speech.

    The prosecution against them points to another effort to silence critics of human rights violations in Papua. For years, Papuan human rights and pro-independence activists and protestors are often criminalised for treason (makar). Some have been tortured, ill-treated, or killed with impunity.  

    “The Indonesian government must stop using restrictive legislation such as the Electronic Information and Transaction Law to target activists, journalists and critics. It must review and repeal all provisions inconsistent with international human rights laws and standards. The government must also end reprisals against human rights defenders and allow human rights defenders and civil society organisations to operate freely and safely,” said Benedict.

  • Indonesia: Civil society groups face intimidation for highlighting election related issues

     Protest outside Kontras office on 7 Feb Photo credit Koma.Id

    CIVICUS, a global civil society alliance and the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) are extremely concerned about demonstrations this week aimed at intimidating two human rights organisations in Indonesia for their human rights work. We urge the authorities to guarantee their protection and call upon  presidential candidates and political parties  send  a strong message that such actions will not be tolerated.

  • Indonesia: Draft law of criminal code negatively impacts fundamental freedoms

    Statement in Indonesian

    Joint statement: Hold public consultations on the revised draft of the Criminal Code and repeal restrictive provisions

    We, the undersigned organizations, are alarmed by provisions in the draft amendments of the Indonesian Criminal Code, recently made public, that will negatively impact civic space and fundamental freedoms in the country. We call for these provisions to be repealed and for the Indonesian government and parliament to conduct public consultations before adopting the draft amendments.

    On 6 July 2022, the Ministry of Law and Human Rights handed over the finalized draft of the amendment of the Criminal Code to the parliament for further discussions. Civil society groups had raised concerns since 2019 around the inaccessibility of the draft amendments to the public, rendering meaningful participation in the decision-making process impossible.

    The fact that the draft has been made available only recently shows the government’s lack of commitment to uphold transparency and inclusivity for all stakeholders, including civil society, to engage and voice their concerns.  Our organizations believe that this clearly undermines fundamental democratic principles that Indonesia has always claimed to the world it stands for.

    In the recent draft, it is apparent that provisions that will undermine civic space still exist. These include Articles 218 and 219 (defamation and insults against the President and Vice President), Articles 240 and 241 (defamation and insults against the government), as well as Article 351 and 352 (defamation and insults against public authorities and State institutions) which will carry the punishment of imprisonment for committing such offenses.

    All these provisions are vaguely and broadly drafted, giving the government and its authorities unfettered discretion that will significantly curb freedom of speech and expression in the country. This will substantially create a chilling effect on those exercising their rights while simultaneously creating a culture of self-censor and a climate of fear.

    The draft also contains provisions (Article 256) that will criminalize individuals who organize peaceful protests without notification with fines and up to six months imprisonment. The provision will create further barriers to peaceful demonstrators who have already been facing harassment and violence by state authorities in numerous instances documented by CIVICUS.

    Civil society groups in Indonesia have been advocating for the repeal of such provisions from the current draft since 2019, without success, as the government has remained adamant to push them through. If parliament adopts the current draft, this will be considered a significant breach of Indonesia’s human rights obligations, particularly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a party. The Covenant recognizes that limitation of fundamental freedoms should only be done when strictly necessary and in a proportionate manner. Such vague and overbroad provisions are clearly not consistent with the ICCPR.

    We note that during the last Universal Periodic Review (UPR) cycle for Indonesia in 2017, the recommendation to repeal or amend and end prosecutions of problematic articles in the Criminal Code has been conveyed several times by many countries. Yet to date, these recommendations are still far from full implementation, given that the government preserved the emblematic articles instead. Given the upcoming review session of Indonesia, which coincided with Indonesia’s Chairship to the G20 Summit, we urge the government to meaningfully implement those recommendations to ensure civic spaces are preserved without further harm to those who are exercising their fundamental freedoms.

    Our organizations call on the government to repeal all the problematic provisions from the draft amendment of the Criminal Code, provide adequate time for civil society and other stakeholders to review and provide feedback on it before adoption and ensure the law is in line with Indonesia’s human rights obligations. Adopting the draft as it currently is will only accelerate the democratic backsliding being witnessed in the country.

    Signatories:

    1. AccessNow
    2. ALTSEAN-Burma
    3. Amnesty International Indonesia
    4. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus, legally registered as Southeast Asia Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Expression Caucus (ASC), Inc
    5. Asia Democracy Network
    6. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
    7. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    8. Association for Civil Rights in Israel
    9. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)
    10. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    11. Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
    12. Franciscans International
    13. Free Expression Myanmar
    14. Human Rights Law Centre
    15. Hungarian Civil Liberties Union
    16. Karapatan Alliance Philippines
    17. Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture (MADPET)
    18. Manushya Foundation
    19. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)
    20. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
    21. The Legal Resources Centre
    22. The William Gomes Podcast, United Kingdom
    23. Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
    24. Yayasan Perlindungan Insani Indonesia
    25. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI)

    Civic space in Indonesia is rated as Obstructed by the CIVICUS Monitor 

  • Indonesia: Government should immediately withdraw arbitrary charges against Fatia Maulidiyanti & Haris Azhar

    The Indonesian government should put an end to the judicial harassment against human rights defenders Fatia Maulidiyanti and Haris Azhar, and uphold the right to freedom of expression, a group of human rights organisations said.

    ‘The Government of Indonesia must uphold its international human rights obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as well as its own national constitution which protects the right to freedom of expression,’ said the groups.

    The groups urged the Indonesian government to ensure that all persons can express their opinions without fear of reprisals and to ensure its actions are compliant with Indonesia’s Constitutional protections for human rights and the ICCPR, of which Indonesia is a State Party. The National Human Rights Institution, Komnas HAM, must also work towards ensuring the protection of defenders facing judicial harassment, the groups said.

    On 22 September, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, the Indonesian Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment filed a police report against human rights defenders Fatia Maulidiyanti, Coordinator of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras), and Haris Azhar, Founder of Lokataru Foundation. The police report alleges that the two individuals violated criminal defamation provisions (Article 310 (1) of the Penal Code), and the controversial Electronic Information and Transaction law (EIT Law). Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan has reportedly demanded IDR 300 billion, approximately USD 21 million, in compensation.

    The report was filed after subpoenas were earlier sent to the two human rights defenders, following a talk show on Haris Azhar’s YouTube channel, titled ‘Ada Lord Luhut di balik Relasi Ekonomi-Ops Militer Intan Jaya!! Jenderal BIN Juga Ada!!’, (There is Lord Luhut behind the relation of Economy-Military Operation Intan Jaya!! General of State Intelligence Agency is also there!!) in which Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti discussed the findings of a multi-stakeholder report revealing the alleged involvement of active and retired Indonesian army officials in the business operations of the gold mining sector.

    In the report, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan was identified as being affiliated with mining company PT Madinah Qurrata'ain, which holds the Derewo River Gold Project permit in Papua Province's Intan Jaya Regency, located along the Derewo fault zone, northwest of Grasberg and Wabu.

    Through shareholding, Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan is affiliated with PT Toba Sejahtera, whose subsidiary PT Tobacom Del Mandiri or PT Tambang Raya Sejahtra is said to have acquired a 30 percent stake in PT Madinah Qurrata'ain. 

    The report also recorded the escalation of violent and armed conflict triggered by military operations, one of which occurred in the Intan Jaya Regency. The conflict resulted in the loss of civilian lives and the displacement of thousands of people, including children and women.

    ‘The legal actions by the Coordinating Minister constitute judicial harassment and abuse of power. It criminalises the rights of these two human rights defenders to express their opinions on public affairs and creates a chilling environment for individuals who criticise the government,’ the groups said. 

    ‘We call on the Indonesian government to amend all repressive laws and legal provisions that hinder the protection of freedom of expression, and ensure the laws align with international human rights standards. The criminalisation of defamation is an inherently disproportionate and unnecessary restriction to the right to freedom of opinion and expression, under international human rights law. Indonesia must immediately drop the charges against Fatia and Haris and take steps towards preventing the misuse of litigation against human rights defenders and civil society that erode the exercise of their rights,’ they concluded.

    Endorsed by the following organisations:

    Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    ASEAN Regional Coalition to #StopDigitalDictatorship 

    • Manushya Foundation
    • SAFEnet
    • Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR)
    • Access Now
    • ELSAM
    • ALTSEAN-Burma

    Asia Democracy Network (ADN)
    CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    FIDH, within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    Front Line Defenders (FLD)
    Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) 
    Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI) 
    Human Rights Working Group (HRWG) 
    OMCT (World Organisation Against Torture), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

    Civic space in Indonesia is rated 'obstructed' by the CIVICUS Monitor.


    CONTACT INFO:

    For further information or to request interviews with CIVICUS staff, please contact:

  • Indonesia: Halt using the G20 Summit to harass and block civil society activities

    CIVICUS, a global civil society alliance, and the Fight Inequality Alliance are appalled by the decision of the Indonesian authorities to disband the activities of civil society groups and harass their organisers in Bali, Indonesia, ahead of the G20 Summit. We call on the government of Indonesia to halt such actions, investigate these human rights violations thoroughly and adhere to the human rights standards enshrined in international law and its own Constitution.

  • Indonesia: Intimidation against human rights activists exemplify narrowing civic and democratic space

    CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance, is highly alarmed by the Indonesian authorities' decision to name human rights defenders Fatia Maulidiyanti and Haris Azhar as suspects in a defamation case for speaking up about human rights violations connected to corporate crime in Papua allegedly linked to government officials.

  • Indonesia: Release Victor Yeimo and hold perpetrators of human rights violations in Papua accountable

    CIVICUS, a global civil society alliance, and Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) are gravely concerned by the ongoing prosecution of human rights defender Victor Yeimo.

  • Indonesia: restrictive laws used to target activists, journalists and government critics

    Statement at the 52nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council 

    UPR Outcome Adoption – Indonesia

    Delivered by Cornelius Hanung

    Thank you, Mr. President.

    CIVICUS, YAPPIKA-ActionAid, and the Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy note the Indonesian government’s engagement with the UPR process. 

    While we acknowledge that Indonesia supported 26 out of 31 recommendations related to civic space, our concerns remain on the state of civic and democratic space in the country. 

    It is extremely worrying that in recent years restrictive laws, such as the criminal defamation provisions in the Electronic Information and Transaction Law – a vague and overbroad law - have been systematically used to arrest, prosecute and punish activists, journalists, and government critics. Human rights defenders working on various issues, including on human rights in the Papua region, environmental rights, and business and human rights have been subjected to judicial harassment under this law. 

    Further, we are alarmed that the recently passed criminal code contains provisions that fall below international human rights laws and standards including criminalising online and offline defamation as well as banning insults against the State’s leaders and institutions. The same law also criminalises the holding of spontaneous and unauthorized protests.

    Harassment, ill-treatment, torture, and violence conducted by security forces against protesters – many of them youth and students – have persisted throughout the last UPR review cycle. Victims of police violence, such as those during the protest against the Omnibus Job Creation Law and around numerous protests in Papua have yet to receive a remedy while the perpetrators enjoy impunity. 

    We call on the Indonesian government to seriously protect civic space and the safety and security of CSOs, human rights defenders, and journalists. These should include:

    • Dropping all charges against activists for doing their human rights work;
    • Reviewing and repealing existing restrictive laws, which include the EIT Law Societal Organizations Law and the new criminal code;
    • Conducting thorough investigations of all incidents involving violence by the security forces against protesters, and
    • Refraining from introducing further restrictions that will significantly harm civic space in the country.

    We thank you. 


    Civic space in Indonesia is rated as "Obstructed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

  • Indonesia: Shut down of civil society conference an attack on civic space

    Responding to the decision by the Indonesian police to remove permission for the "Peoples' Global Conference against IMF-WB" at the sidelines of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank's annual meeting this week in Bali, Indonesia:

    “At a time when the space for civil society and alternative voices is shrinking around the world, it is disgraceful that Indonesia, which prides itself as a champion of democracy, has decided to take such action. CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance, calls on the Indonesian authorities to immediately review their arbitrary decision to cancel the conference and allow the event to take place. Authorities must also investigate allegations of intimidation and surveillance of the event organisers.”

    “The space for critical debate in Indonesia is receding by the day with restrictions on peaceful gatherings, the arrest of activists for peaceful protests and human rights defenders facing various risks in undertaking their work.  CIVICUS calls on authorities to halt these draconian actions and instead create an enabling environment for activists and civil society to engage as well as critique the government and other actors including international financial institutions.”

    Background

    An alternative conference on the sidelines of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank's annual meeting this week in Indonesia has been cancelled due to pressure from the police. The planned event -- the "Peoples' Global Conference against IMF-WB" -was set to kick off on 11 October 2018.  The alternative conference, involving around 300 participants from Indonesia and around the world, was to bring together dozens of civil society groups to draw attention to the impact of free trade and IMF-WB backed policies that critics say aggravate income inequality, abuse labor rights and harm the environment.

    Civil society has long called for international financial institutions to integrate civic space concerns into their work and in any country specific development projects supported or initiated by them.

    According to reports, police intelligence personnel had infiltrated the event planning team as volunteers, subjecting them to intimidation and constant surveillance. The organisers are looking for an alternate venue and are in negotiations with police in Bali.

    Josef Benedict, CIVICUS civic space research officer (josef.benedict[at]civicus.org, twitter @josefroy2): 

    For more information on civic space in Indonesia visit their country page on the CIVICUS Monitor.  The state of civil liberties in Indonesia is currently rated as Obstructed.

  • Indonesia: Solidarity for Human Rights Defenders Fatia Maulidiyanti and Haris Azhar

     

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    The undersigned organisations, human rights groups, and defenders are calling for the Indonesian Government to end its judicial harassment against prominent human rights defenders, Fatia Maulidiyanti and Haris Azhar as well as to further protect all human rights defenders in the country.


    Fatia and Haris’ Indictment
    Fatia is the former coordinator of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) from 2020 to 2023; meanwhile, Haris is the co-founder of Lokataru Foundation. They are both facing a defamation charge under Article 27 paragraph (3) in conjunction with Article 45 paragraph (3) of the Electronic and Information Transaction (EIT) Law.


    Fatia and Haris have experienced 28 hearings since 3 April 2023. During the indictment reading on the 28th hearing on 12 November, the lead prosecutor advised the Court to sentence Fatia to three years and six months in prison alongside a fine of 500,000 rupiah (USD32), and Haris to four years in prison alongside a fine of one million rupiah (USD65). The latter is the maximum punishment set under the (EIT) law.


    The case was brought by Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, the Coordinating Minister of Maritime and Investment Affairs, after the duo appeared on Haris’ YouTube channel to discuss a report alleging the involvement of several national and multinational companies in mining operations in Intan Jaya, Papua. The allegations included those affiliated with political figures such as Panjaitan.


    ‘We are extremely concerned about the indictment of Fatia and Haris as this reveals just how dangerous it is to be a human rights defender in Indonesia. For merely speaking truth to power, seeking justice and accountability, and expressing evidence-based criticisms against the government, the likes of Fatia and Harris are being silenced. Such judicial harassment would have never happened in a healthy democratic context. Fatia and Harris’ ordeal reveals the deterioration of Indonesia’s civic and democratic space,’ the groups said collectively.


    Breaching international obligation
    The ongoing criminalisation of Fatia and Haris is in contravention with several of Indonesia’s international commitments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Instead of upholding people’s right to freedom of expression, the government chose to deploy defamation charges against Fatia and Harris. Indonesia has also breached its pledge–made upon its reelection as a member of the United Nations Human
    Rights Council from 2024 to 2026–to preserve the fundamental civil and political rights of all persons.


    Call for Action
    The criminalisation of Fatia and Haris for simply criticising a government official is a breach of Indonesia’s obligation to uphold people’s fundamental freedoms–especially free expression– under the ICCPR. Such criminalisation not only undermines the work of human rights defenders, but also creates a chilling effect on free speech and dissenting voices. Therefore, leading to the verdict, scheduled to be given on the 18th December, it is imperative for all stakeholders–including the international community and general public–to urge the Court to acquit Fatia and Haris of all charges and for the government to immediately end judicial harassment against the defenders.


    ‘We are in solidarity with Fatia and Haris. We cannot remain silent. The work of human rights defenders is and will always be essential to upholding democracy and human rights for all. We call on the Indonesian Government to stop its criminalisation of defenders and to refrain from enacting further harm against them,’ the groups voiced together.

    Signatories:
    1. Agora International Human Rights Group
    2. Ain o Slaish Kendra (ASK)
    3. Aliansi Jurnalis Independen (AJI)
    4. ALTSEAN-Burma
    5. Amnesty International Indonesia
    6. ANTI
    7. Anti Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
    8. ASEAN Regional Coalition to #StopDigitalDictatorship
    9. ASEAN SOGIE Caucus
    10. ASEAN Youth Forum
    11. Asia Alliance Against Torture (A3T)
    12. Asia Democracy Network
    13. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
    14. Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD)
    15. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
    16. Asosiasaun HAK (Timor-Leste)
    17. AWAM Pakistan
    18. AwazCDS-Pakistan
    19. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM) India
    20. Bir Duino
    21. Bytes for All, Pakistan (B4A)
    22. Canadian Civil Liberties Association
    23. Capital Punishment Justice Project (CPJP)
    24. Centre for Human Rights and Development (CHRD)
    25. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)
    26. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    27. Civil Society and Human Rights network (CSHRN)
    28. Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
    29. Community Resource Centre (CRC)
    30. Cross Cultural Foundation (CrCf) Thailand
    31. DAKILA
    32. Defence of Human Rights Pakistan
    33. DeJusticia Colombia
    34. Dignity-Kadyr-kassiyet (KK)
    35. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
    36. ELSAM
    37. Ensemble contre la peine de mort (ECPM)
    38. FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    39. Franscisans International
    40. Frontline Defenders
    41. Harm Reduction International
    42. Human Rights and Development Foudation (HRDF) Thailand
    43. Human Rights Defenders’ Alert – India (HRDA)
    44. Human Rights Hub (HRH)
    45. Human Rights Law Centre (HRLC) Australia
    46. Human Rights Law Network (HRLN) India
    47. Human Rights Lawyers Association Thailand
    48. Human Rights Watch
    49. Human Rights Working Group (HRWG)
    50. Humanis
    51. Imparsial
    52. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI)
    53. INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
    54. Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)
    55. International Network of Civil Liberties Organizations (INCLO)
    56. Judicial System Monitoring Program (JSMP)
    57. Karapatan Alliance Philippines (KARAPATAN)
    58. La'o Hamutuk
    59. Law and Society Trust (LST)
    60. League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran (LDDHI)
    61. Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI)
    62. Legal Resource Centre (LRC)
    63. Liberty — United Kingdom
    64. Madaripur Legal Aid Association (MLAA)
    65. Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN)
    66. Manushya Foundation
    67. Medical Action Group (MAG) Philippines
    68. Milk Tea Alliance Indonesia (ID Milk Tea)
    69. Milktea Alliance - Friends of Myanmar
    70. MUSAWI Pakistan
    71. National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP)
    72. New Naratif
    73. Odhikar Bangladesh
    74. People’s Watch – India
    75. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy(PSPD)
    76. Philippine Alliance for Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA)
    77. Programme Against Custodial Torture and Impunity (PACTI)
    78. Progressive Voice
    79. PurpleCode Collective
    80. Pusat KOMAS
    81. Pusat Studi Hukum dan Kebijakan (PSHK)
    82. Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU)
    83. RRR Collective
    84. Safety and Risk Mitigation Organization (SRMO)
    85. SHAPE-SEA
    86. South Asia Youth Network (SAYN)
    87. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SafeNet)
    88. Sri Lanka Democracy Network (SLDN)
    89. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
    90. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)
    91. The Asia Alliance Against Torture (A3T)
    92. The Awakening – A Society for Social & Cultural Development
    93. The Human Rights Measurement Initiative (HRMI)
    94. The Hungarian Civil Liberties Union
    95. The Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association (PBHI)
    96. The Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL)
    97. Think Centre
    98. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    99. YAPPIKA


    For media inquiries, please contact:
    • Communication and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA,

  • Indonesia: Submission to the UN Human Rights Committee on the deterioration of civic space

    CIVICUS has submitted a report to the UN Human Rights Committee on the state of civic space in Indonesia ahead of its review of the state’s implementation of its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) on 11 March 2024.

    Indonesia.Cover.HRCIn the submission, CIVICUS documented the ongoing restrictions, criminalisation, harassment and threats of activists and journalists including those who were charged under Electronic Information and Transaction (Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronikor ITE) Law, that was passed in 2008. The law has been used to arrest, harass, prosecute and punish people for peacefully exercising their freedom of speech, including activists and journalists. The Indonesian authorities have also used Article 106 (treason) and Article 110 (conspiracy to commit treason) of the Criminal Code to prosecute dozens of political activists for their peaceful expression.

    The submission also highlights law and policies that are still used to restrict protests in Indonesia. Further,the new Criminal Code passed in December 2022 outlaws unsanctioned public demonstrations deemed to be disturbing public order. The submission also highlights incidents where the authorities have forcibly dispersed protests and arbitrarily arrested protesters. In some cases, unnecessary and excessive force and firearms were used, leading to injuries and deaths. In most cases, no one has been held accountable or only administrative sanctions have been imposed.

    The submission highlights how the Law No. 17/2013 on Societal Organisations falls short of international law and standards and documents the ongoing criminalisation of human rights defenders especially in Papua. Human rights groups have faced acts of intimidation by the police including visits to their offices while civil society gatherings have been cancelled due to threats from fundamentalist groups. There have also been digital attacks against students, academics, journalists and activists to spread fear and silence critical voices.

    The submission calls on the UN Human Rights Committee to make a series of recommendations including: 

    • Ensure freedom of expression and media freedom by bringing all national legislation, particularly the new Criminal Code, into line with international law and standards.
    • Repeal laws around criminal defamation, including Article 27 para (3) on defamation of the ITE Law and Article 156a of the Criminal Code, in order to bring them into line with ICCPR Article 19 and other international law and standards in the area of freedom of expression.
    • Repeal Article 256 of the new Criminal Code and amend Law No. 9 of 1998 on Freedom of Expressing Opinions in Public and the Regulation of the Head of the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia No. 9 of 2008 in order to guarantee fully the right to freedom of peaceful assembly.
    • Immediately and impartially investigate all instances of extrajudicial killings and excessive force committed by security forces in the context of protests.
    • Repeal restrictive provisions of the Law on Societal Organisations to remove undue restrictions on freedom of association, to bring it into compliance with the principles of due process of law and ICCPR Articles 21 and 22.
    • Take measures to foster a safe, respectful and enabling environment for civil society, including by removing legal and policy measures and practices that unwarrantedly limit freedom of association.

    More information

    Download the Indonesia research brief here.

    Indonesia is currently rated Obstructed  by the CIVICUS Monitor.

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