Myanmar
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One Year after the Illegitimate Military Coup in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
Joint LGBTIQ+ Civil Society Statement
We will never forget. It has been a year since the violent and illegitimate occupation of the democratically elected government by Myanmar's military junta on 1 February 2021. This was at a period when the people were at their most vulnerable, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. It was and still is a grave and utter betrayal of the public will and trust and a sheer disregard of democratic institutions and values.
In the past 365 days, we have been witnessing accounts of serious human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, criminalisation, arbitrary detentions, illegal arrests, torture, violent reprisals, and sexual and gender-based violence committed against pro-democracy activists and human rights defenders.
This junta has fueled a humanitarian crisis that continues to impose fear, escalating violence, and destroy innocent lives throughout the country. Bombings of villages identified as centres of the opposition had resulted in killings of civilians and humanitarian workers and triggered gross internal displacement of communities. The crisis continues to escalate and has spilt across its borders as thousands have fled and sought refuge in neighbouring countries.
We are appalled by the junta's disregard of socio-economic and health emergencies caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, such as curtailing supplies of oxygen and medicines, arresting doctors and medical personnel, and leaving thousands to die without medical help.
We will always remember. The sheer tenacity, bravery and courage of LGBTIQ+ persons who were and are at the frontlines fighting for democracy, dignity, and freedom will forever be commemorated and ingrained in our collective memory. Despite repressive conditions, our LGBTIQ+ siblings have tirelessly campaigned both online and offline in pursuit of reclaiming democracy and urging for a global action to condemn military-led atrocities. We are deeply moved by various forms of creative resistance such as flash mobs, the waving of rainbow flags, the march of drag artists that had become symbols of peoples' solidarity and strength.
This military junta and their supporters have blood on their hands. We deeply regret that many have been separated from their loved ones and have lost their lives amid the struggle. Data reported by Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG) in June 2021 revealed that at least 12 LGBTIQ+ people were shot to death, while hundreds more were detained, arrested, and severely tortured based on their SOGIESC. Many are currently in hiding to escape retaliation.
We stand firmly in solidarity.As long as Myanmar is unfree, democracy in Southeast Asia will never move forward. We commit our continuous support for efforts to reclaim and fortify human rights, freedoms, peace and democracy in Myanmar. Human rights and freedoms, particularly of LGBTIQ+ peoples, can flourish only if the people are recognised and respected as the rightful sovereign of the country. As such, we strongly deplore the military junta as an illegitimate force that is unworthy of any recognition.
We urge the UN to step up and impose necessary sanctions and actions against the junta. Min Aung Hlaing, the rest of the military leadership, their political allies, and their families should be made accountable for the atrocities they committed.
We urge all governments, the UN, and the entire international community to recognise Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG) immediately and assure urgent unified response to provide unified assistance for putting Myanmar back on the path to democracy, the restoration of fundamental freedoms such as on information and expression, and guarantee the prevalence of peace and prosperity. While Myanmar is in crisis, we urge the international community to open up its borders, facilitate safe passage, and create domestic conditions to guarantee safety and dignity for all Myanmar persons seeking refuge.
We urge ASEAN, especially the government of Cambodia in its capacity as the Chair of the regional bloc, to fully implement its Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar: an immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue with all stakeholders especially marginalised and ethnic groups who are excluded from political processes, provision of humanitarian assistance, and the appointment and unhindered visits of an ASEAN Special Envoy to facilitate constructive dialogues with all stakeholders.
To our Myanmar LGBTIQ+ queerblings both in the country and abroad, you are not alone in this struggle. We are with you until and after democracy is fully regained in your beloved country.
In solidarity: List of Organizational Signatories
Regional Organisations
APCOM Foundation
ASEAN SOGIE Caucus
Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact
Asia Pacific Transgender Network (APTN)
Equal Asia Foundation
ILGA Asia
Initiatives for International Dialogue
International Women's Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW AP)
Intersex Asia
Pan Africa ILGA
RFSL
SHAPE-SEA
Youth Voices Count
Cambodia
CamASEAN Youth's Future (CamASEAN)
Indonesia
Arus Pelangi
Cangkang Queer
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
ESBISQUET
Komunitas Sehati Makassar
GAYa Nusantara Foundation
Malaysia
JEJAKA Malaysia
Justice for Sisters
People Like Us Support Ourselves (PLUsos)
People Like Us Hang Out! (PLUHO)
SEED
Nepal
Blue Diamond Society
Netherlands
Filipino LGBT Europe
Pakistan
National Forum of Women With Disabilities (NFWWD)
Philippines
Asexual Support Philippines
Bisdak Pride
Camp Queer
Care for Queers
Galang Philippines
Iloilo Pride Team
Intersex Philippines
Kapederasyon LGBT Organization
LakanBini Advocates Pilipinas
Lakapati Laguna
LGBT Bus
LGBTQ Plus Partylist
LGBTS Christian Churches
Metro Manila Pride
Mindanao Pride
MUJER-LGBT Organization, Inc.
Pioneer Filipino Transgender Men Movement (PFTM)
Side B Philippines
Society of Trans Women of the Philippines (STRAP)
Transmasculine Philippines
UPLB Babaylan
Youth for Change
Youth for YOUth Organization
Singapore
My Queer Story SG
Thailand
Free Gender TH
Manushya Foundation
Mokeluang Rimnam
Sangsan Anakot Yawachon Development Project
School of Feminist, Thailand
Sexuality and Gender Acceptance (SAGA) Thailand
TaiPride
The LinQ
V-Day Thailand
Timor Leste
ARCOIRIS Timor Leste
This statement was also signed by 4 organisations from Myanmar who opted not to be identified due to security reasons.
Individual Signatories
50 Individual Activists from the following countries: Australia, Cambodia, France, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Nepal, Netherlands, Pakistan, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Timor Leste, Turkey, and United Kingdom.
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Open call to all international actors: Do more to stop internet shutdowns shrouding torchings and killings in Myanmar
Content note: this statement contains references to violence, murder, and potential war crimes.
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Open Letter on Myanmar: the UN must hold the military junta accountable
To: Member States of the United Nations General Assembly
CC: The United Nations Secretary-General
Open Letter: The UN General Assembly must take decisive action to hold the military junta accountable for atrocities in Myanmar
Your Excellencies,
We – 440 Myanmar, regional, and international civil society organizations – call on Member States of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) to take immediate and decisive action to hold the Myanmar military accountable under international law through all possible avenues.
We welcome the report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights which provided corroborated evidence of the military junta’s intensifying brutality – particularly airstrikes, the burning of villages, and mass killings. In addressing the worsening crisis in Myanmar, High Commissioner Volker Türk described the junta’s actions as “inhumanity in its vilest form,” emphasizing that there is “no reason to believe that the military will…break the cycle of impunity that has characterized its operations for decades.” It is clear that the military has continued and will continue to commit genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes against the people of Myanmar unless it is held accountable under international law. We thus express our strongest support for the High Commissioner’s call for the UN Security Council (UNSC) to refer “the full scope of the current situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC).”
Nearly one year after its adoption in December 2022, we remain extremely disappointed by the insubstantial Security Council resolution 2669 on Myanmar. With this resolution, the Council has utterly failed to uphold its responsibilities under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and to ensure justice and accountability by failing to refer the current crisis in Myanmar to the ICC.
Despite the resolution’s demand of “an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country,” since its adoption, the junta has launched at least 965 airstrikes. This amounts to a 150% increase in airstrikes following the resolution. These aerial bombardments, often combined with attacks by ground troops, are one reason why at least 4,149 people have been killed, as of 17 October 2023, and over 1.7 million have been internally displaced since the coup attempt. One of the latest attacks is as recent as 9 October 2023, when the junta once again launched an artillery bombardment on an internally displaced persons (IDP) camp: this time in Munglai Hkyet Village in Kachin State. The attack killed at least 29 people, including 13 children, and injured at least 57 people. Among the displaced, elderly women, pregnant women, and children have the most vulnerabilities, which are severely exacerbated by the lack of sufficient food, water, shelter, and other necessities. Moreover, the military – which has long used rape as a weapon of war – continues, with blanket impunity, its widespread sexual and gender-based violence, particularly against women and girls, in detention and in areas of its scorched-earth campaigns.
Further, in flagrant disregard of the resolution’s call for “full, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need,” the junta continues to weaponize humanitarian aid by blocking, seizing, and destroying lifesaving supplies from displaced communities that have suffered from its heinous crimes. Even in natural disasters, such as the devastating Cyclone Mocha, the junta has proven its total disregard for human lives by blocking humanitarian access to affected communities across western Myanmar.
As the Myanmar human rights and humanitarian crisis further escalates, we express our greatest disappointment in the UN’s deferral of its responsibilities to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its futile Five-Point Consensus (5PC) over the past 29 months. The regional bloc and its current approach have utterly failed to take concrete measures to end the crisis, serving only to deter tangible action by the international community. In fact, ASEAN itself has explicitly requested UN support in addressing the crisis. To address Myanmar’s multi-faceted crisis, the UN must stop hiding behind the failed 5PC and take concrete actions to assume its responsibility to protect the people of Myanmar.
Excellencies, the loss of lives of the people of Myanmar at the hands of this ruthless military must not continue, and justice for the victims and survivors cannot wait. The Myanmar military’s decades-long impunity, and thus its systematic and widespread violence, will continue to prevail – and thousands of lives will continue to be lost – unless and until the military faces prosecution and is held to account for its genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Thus, it is with great urgency that we once again call on the UNGA and its individual Member States to strongly recommend the UNSC utilize all political and technical instruments at its disposal, namely a resolution on Myanmar under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Such a resolution must necessitate the referral of the crisis in Myanmar to the ICC or the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal; robust, coordinated, and targeted economic sanctions on the Myanmar military and linked entities; and a comprehensive arms embargo to end the flow of weapons, jet fuel, and dual-use technology to the junta. Equally, we urge the UNGA to further recommend its Member States, agencies, and mechanisms to stop lending legitimacy to the junta; impose new and further coordinated, targeted economic sanctions; cut the flow of arms; and provide financial, political, and technical support for accountability efforts under universal jurisdiction, including in Argentina, Germany, and Turkey.
With Myanmar’s crisis reaching the point of unfathomable devastation, we look to the leadership of UN Member States to immediately actualize a UNSC resolution. If the resolution is vetoed by China or Russia, the people of Myanmar fully anticipate the UNGA’s adoption of the resolution, following in the footsteps of the decisive resolution on Ukraine promptly adopted by the same body in 2022.
Alongside a united call for a resolution, UN Member States must act immediately to ensure the response to the worsening humanitarian catastrophe across Myanmar is sufficient, effective, and harmless for affected populations. Member States must cease any partnership with the junta for the provision of aid, while increasing political and financial support through cross-border channels for locally led, frontline humanitarian responders – many of whom are women who serve and lead their communities in these roles in spite of great personal risks.
Now is the time for the UNGA and its Member States to fulfill their responsibility to the people of Myanmar. The UNGA and its Member States must ensure justice and accountability through all possible avenues, strengthen locally led humanitarian assistance, and unequivocally support the Myanmar people’s will for federal democracy.
Signed by 440 civil society organizations, including 71 who have chosen not to disclose their name:
- 5/ of Zaya State Strike
- 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
- Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (AAMMC) Sydney
- Action Committee for Democracy Development (Coalition of 14 grassroots networks)
- Action Committee of Basic Education Students (ACBES)
- Active Youths Kalaymyo
- Ah Nah Podcast – Conversations with Myanmar
- All Arakan Students’ & Youth’ Congress
- All Arakan Youth Organization Network
- All Aung Myay Thar San Schools Strike Force
- All Burma Democratic Front in New Zealand
- All Burma Federation of Student Unions (Monywa District)
- All Burma Indigenous People Alliance
- All Burma Student Democratic Front – Australia Branch
- All Young Burmese League (AYBL)
- Alliance of Students’ Union – Yangon (ASU-Yangon)
- ALTSEAN-Burma
- Anti Dictatorship in Burma – DC Metropolitan Area.
- Anti-coup Forces Coordination Committee (ACFCC – Mandalay)
- Anti-Junta Alliance Yangon-AJAY
- Anti-Myanmar Dictatorship Movement
- Anti-Myanmar Military Dictatorship Network (AMMDN)
- Arakan CSO Network
- ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
- Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
- Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
- ASORCOM – Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities
- Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
- Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
- Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
- Auckland Kachin Community NZ
- Auckland Zomi Community
- Aung San Su Kyi Park, Norway
- Australia Burma Friendship Association, Northern Territory
- Australia Karen Organization WA Inc.
- Australia Myanmar Doctors, Nurses and Friends
- Australia Myanmar Youth Alliance (AMYA)
- Australian Burmese Muslim Organisation
- Australian Chin Community (Eastern Melbourne Inc)
- Australian Karen Organisation (AKO)
- AWDO (Nagphe)
- A-Yar-Taw People Strike
- Ayeyarwaddy West Development Organisation (AWDO)
- Bamar Community Tasmania
- Basic Education General Strike Committee (BEGSC)
- Basic Education Worker Unions – Steering Committee (BEWU-SC)
- Blood Money Campaign
- BMT counselling
- Boat People SOS
- Burma Academy
- Burma Action Ireland
- Burma Campaign UK
- Burma Canadian Network, Peace for Burma (Vancouver-Canada)
- Burma Civil War Museum
- Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
- Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC)
- Burma Support
- Burmese Community – South Australia
- Burmese Community Development Collaboration (BCDC)
- Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ)
- Burmese Community Support Group (BCSG)
- Burmese Friendship Association
- Burmese Medical Association Australia (BMAA)
- Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
- Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
- Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
- Campaign for a New Myanmar
- Canberra Karen Association
- CAN-Myanmar
- CDM Medical Network (CDMMN)
- Chanmyatharzi Township People’s Strike
- Chaung Oo Township Youth Strike Committee
- Chin Community – South Australia
- Chin Community in Norway
- Chin Community of Auckland
- Chin Community of Western Australia Inc.
- Chin Community Tasmania
- Chin Human Rights Organization
- Chin Youth Organization
- Chindwin (West) Villages Women Strike
- CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
- Civil Information Network (CIN)
- Civil Rights Defenders
- Civil Society Organizations Coordination Committee (Monywa)
- Coalition Strike Committee – Dawei
- Co-operative University Mandalay Students’ Strike
- CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
- CRPH Funding Ireland
- CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations
- CRPH, NUG Support Team Germany – Deutschland
- CRPH/NUG support group Australia
- CSOs Nexus Consortium – Tanintharyi
- Daung Sitthe Strike
- Dawei (Ashaetaw) Women Strike
- Dawei Youths Revolutionary Movement Strike Committee
- Democracy for Burma
- Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization
- Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway
- Democratic Youth Council
- Depayin Township Revolution Steering Committee
- Depayin Women Strike
- Dhobama (2021 Generation)
- Doh Atu – Ensemble pour le Myanmar
- East Bago – Former Political Prisoners Network
- Educational Initiatives Prague
- Equality Myanmar
- Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
- Falam Community – South Australia
- Families and Friends of LGBTIQA+ in Myanmar
- Federal Corner
- Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
- Federation of General Workers Myanmar (FGWM)
- Former Political Prisoners and New Generation Group – Monywa
- FORUMCIV – Sweden
- Free Burma Campaign (South Africa)
- Free Rohingya Coalition
- Future Light Center
- Future Thanlwin
- Gangaw Women Strike
- Gender Equality Network
- General Strike Collaboration Committee (GSCC)
- General Strike Committee of Basic and Higher Education (GSCBHE)
- General Strike Committee of Nationalities (GSCN)
- Generation Wave
- Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
- Grass-root People
- Human Rights Educators Network
- Human Rights Foundation of Monland
- Incorporated Organization Shilcheon Bulgyo
- Industrial Training Centre (ITC) Family Sydney
- Industries Strike
- Info Birmanie
- Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)
- Inle Federal Democracy Moment (IFDM)
- Inle Woman Union (IWU)
- Inlihtan Peninsula Tenasserim
- Institute for Asian Democracy
- Integria, z.u. Prague
- Inter Pares
- International Association, Myanmar-Switzerland (IAMS)
- International Campaign for the Rohingya
- JASS (Just Associates)
- JMC Inn Lay
- Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (JACDB)
- Justice 4 Myanmar – Hope & Development
- Justice For Myanmar
- Kachin Association Australia
- Kachin Association Norway
- Kachin Association of Australia WA Inc.
- Kachin Student Union
- Kachin Women Association Thailand
- Kachin Women Network
- Kalay Township Strike Committee
- Kalay Women Strike
- Karen Community – South Australia
- Karen Human Rights Group
- Karen Peace Support Network
- Karen Swedish Community (KSC)
- Karenni Association – Norway
- Karenni Civil Society Network
- Karenni Community of Western Australia Inc.
- Karenni Federation of Australia
- Karenni Human Rights Group
- Karenni National Women’s Organization
- Karenni Society New Zealand
- Kayah State Students Union
- Kayan New Generation Youth
- Kayin Community Tasmania
- K’cho Ethnic Association
- Keng Tung Youth
- Korean Civil Society in Support of Democracy in Myanmar (106 organizations nationwide)
- Kyae Lak Myay
- Kyain Seikgyi Spring Revolution Leading Committee
- Kyauktada Strike Committee
- La Communauté Birmane de France
- Latpadaung Region Strike Committee
- Legal Aid for Human Rights
- LGBT Alliance
- LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kalay Region)
- LGBT Alliance Myanmar (Kyaukse Region)
- LGBT Community Yangon
- LGBT Union – Mandalay
- MAGGA Initiative
- Magway People’s Revolution Committee
- Maharaungmyay Township People’s Strike
- Mandalar University Students’ Strike
- Mandalay Alliance Coalition Strike
- Mandalay Medical Family (MFM)
- Mandalay Regional Youth Association Revolution Core Group
- Mandalay Strike Force (MSF)
- Mandalay Women Strike
- Mandalay Youth Strike
- Mandalay-based People’s Strike
- Mandalay-Based University Students’ Unions (MDY_SUs)
- Matu Burma Foundation
- Matu Chin Community – South Australia
- MayMyo Strike Force
- Metta Campaign
- Milk Tea Alliance – Friends of Myanmar
- Min Hla Farmers Group
- Minbu Farmers Group
- Mindat Chin Community NSW
- Mindat Community – South Australia
- Mizo Community – South Australia
- Mon Association – Norway
- Mon Families Group
- Mon National Council (MNC)
- Monywa – Amyint Road Strike Leading Committee
- Monywa LGBT Strike
- Monywa People’s Strike Steering Committee
- Monywa Women Strike
- Monywa-Amyint Road Women Strike
- Multi-Religions Strike
- Muslim Youth Network
- Mya Taung Strike
- Myanmar Accountability Project
- Myanmar Anti-Military Coup Movement in New Zealand
- Myanmar Baptist Churches in Norway
- Myanmar Buddhist Community of South Australia
- Myanmar Campaign Network
- Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway
- Myanmar Community Coffs Harbour (MCC)
- Myanmar Community Group Christchurch New Zealand
- Myanmar Community Group Dunedin New Zealand
- Myanmar Community in Norway
- Myanmar Cultural Research Society – MCRS
- Myanmar Democracy and Peace Committee (Australia)
- Myanmar Democratic Movement (MDM)
- Myanmar Diaspora Group Finland
- Myanmar Engineering Association of Australia (MEAA)
- Myanmar Engineers – New Zealand
- Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
- Myanmar Hindu Community – Norway
- Myanmar Institute of Information Technology Students’ Strike
- Myanmar Labor Alliance (MLA)
- Myanmar Muslim Organization – Norway
- Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
- Myanmar People Residing in Canberra
- Myanmar Refugee Policy Group
- Myanmar Students’ Association Australia (MSAA)
- Myanmar Students’ Union in New Zealand
- Myanmar Teachers’ Federation
- Myaung Youth Network
- Myingyan Civilian Movement Committee
- Nelson Myanmar Community Group New Zealand
- Netherlands Myanmar Solidarity Platform
- Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma)
- Network of University Student Unions – Monywa
- New Zealand Doctors for NUG
- New Zealand Karen Association
- New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
- NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway
- NLD Solidarity Association (Australia)
- No Business With Genocide
- No.12 Basic Education Branch High School (Maharaungmyay) Students’ Union
- Norway Falam Community
- Norway Matu Community
- Norway Rawang Community
- NRFF – New Rehmonnya Federated Force
- NSW Karenni (Kayah) Communities
- Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
- OCTOPUS (ရေဘဝဲ)
- Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
- Padauk Finland – Myanmar Association
- Pale Township People’s Strike Steering Committee
- Parents, Families and Friends of LGBTIQA+ in Myanmar (PFLAG – Myanmar)
- Patriotic War Vetrans of Burma (PWVB)
- Perth Myanmar Youth Network
- Political Prisoners Network – Myanmar
- Progressive Karenni People Force (PKPF)
- Progressive Voice
- Pwintphyu Development Organisation
- Pyi Gyi Tagon Strike Force
- Pyit Taing Htaung Social Club
- Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
- Queensland Kachin Community (QKC)
- Queensland Myanmar Youth Collective (QMYC)
- Queensland Rohingya Community
- Rangoon Scout Network – RSN
- Red Campaign Nirvana Exhortation Group
- Remonya Association of WA (Mon Community)
- Representative Committee of University Teacher Associations (RC of UTAs)
- Rohingya Community in Norway
- Rural Community Development Society
- Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
- Samgha Sammaga-Mandalay
- Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
- Save Myanmar – USA
- Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
- Save Myanmar San Francisco
- Seinpann Strike
- Shan Community (New Zealand)
- Shan MATA
- Shwe Pan Kone People`s Strike Steering Committee
- Shwe Youth Democratic Alliance (SYDA)
- Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
- Social Garden
- Southcare Medical Centre
- Southern Youth Development Organization (SYDO)
- Spring Friends
- Spring Sprouts
- Spring Traveller
- Student Voice
- Sujata Sisters Group (NZ)
- Support for Myanmar
- Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (Netherlands)
- Swedish Burma Committee
- Swedish Foundation for Human Rights
- Swiss Burma Association (ASB)
- Sydney Friends for Myanmar Unity
- Synergy – Social Harmony Organization
- Ta Mar Institute of Development
- Ta’ang Women’s Organization
- Tamar Institute of Development
- Tanintharyi MATA
- Tanintharyi Nationalities Congress
- Taze Strike Committee
- Taze Women Strike
- Tenasserim Student Unions’ Network
- Thakhin Kodaw Mhine Peace Network (Monywa)
- Thayat Chaung Women Strike
- The 88 Generation Peace and Open Society (Monywa)
- The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
- The Helpers for Perfect Democracy (HPD)
- The Institution of Professional Engineers Myanmar (IPEM)
- The Ladies
- The Mindanao Peacebuilding Institute Foundation, Inc. (MPI)
- Twitter Team for Revolution (TTFR)
- U.S. Campaign for Burma
- Union of Karenni State Youth (UKSY)
- United Myanmar Community of South Australia
- University Students’ Unions Alumni Force
- Victorian Burmese Care Community (VBCC)
- Victorian Myanmar Youth (VMY)
- Volunteers in Myanmar
- We Pledge CDM (Australia)
- Western Australia Myanmar Community (WAMC)
- Western Australia Myanmar Democratic Network (WAMDN)
- Wetlet Revolution Leading Committee
- Wetlet Township Women Strike
- White Coat Society Yangon (WCSY)
- Women Activists Myanmar (WAM)
- Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar
- Women Alliance Burma (WAB)
- Women’s League of Burma
- Women’s Peace Network
- Yadanabon University Students’ Union (YDNBUSU)
- Yadanar Foundation
- Yangon Women Strike
- Yasakyo Township People`s Strike Steering Committee
- Yinmarpin and Salingyi All Villages Strike Committee
- Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM)
- Youth Heart Beams
- Zo Community – South Australia
- Zomi Association Australia Inc.
- Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway
- Zomi Community – South Australia
- Zomi Community Queensland
- ကန့်ဘလူမြို့နယ်အထွေထွေသပိတ်
- ကရင်နီပြည်စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ကူညီစောင့်ရှောက်ရေးကွန်ယက်
- ခုနစ်စဥ်ကြယ်အဖွဲ့
- ဒို့မြေကွန်ရက် – LIOH
- နားဆင်သူများအဖွဲ့
- ပဉ္စမမဏ္ဏိုင်
- ပွင့်ဖြူလယ်ယာမြေကွန်ရက်
- မျက်မှောက်ခေတ်
- မျိုးဆက်-Generations
- ယောဒေသစစ်ဘေးရှောင်ကူညီရေးအဖွဲ့
- ရပ်ဝန်းသစ် (Yat Wun Thit)
Civic space in Myanmar is rated 'Closed' by the CIVICUS Monitor.
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Open Letter to ASEAN Defence Ministers
To:
H.E. General Tea Banh, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence, CambodiaHis Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaulahibni Al-Marhum, Minister of Defense, Brunei Darussalam
H.E. Prabowo Subianto, Minister of Defence, Indoensia
H.E. General Chansamone Chanyalath, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence, Lao PDR
The Honourable Dato' Seri Hishammuddin bin Tun Hussein, Senior Minister of Defence, Malaysia
H.E. Delfin N. Lorenzana, Secretary of National Defense, Philippines
H.E. Dr Ng Eng Hen, Minister for Defence, Singapore
H.E. General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Thailand
H.E. General Phan Van Giang, Minister of National Defence, Viet Nam
June 15 2022
Re: Myanmar junta participation in ADMM
Your Excellencies,
We, the undersigned 677 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations, appeal to you not to extend an invitation to the Myanmar military junta's Minister of Defence at the upcoming ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM).
The Myanmar military junta's acts meet the definition of terror under international and national law and are responsible for ongoing violations of international human rights and humanitarian law following the military's illegal coup attempt. Since the military's illicit attempt coup, almost 700,000 people have been forcibly displaced as the junta waged a terror campaign against the Myanmar people. In the face of mass public resistance, the junta has murdered more than 1,900 people, arbitrarily arrested over 14,000 more, committed widespread torture, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, burnt villages and looted public property.
In the upcoming 16th ADMM, scheduled for June 22, we understand that the Junta defence minister General Mya Tun Oo will be representing Myanmar. General Mya Tun Oo plays a leading role in managing the military, responsible for committing ongoing atrocity crimes with total impunity. Mya Tun Oo's direct responsibility for international law violations has been recognized by the USA, U.K., EU, Canada and New Zealand, which sanctioned him. In its designation, the U.K. stated that Mya Tun Oo has "command responsibility for these violations and can therefore be held responsible for these actions." Mya Tun Oo is also a member of the State Administration Council (SAC). The E.U. recognized that "as a member of the SAC, General Mya Tun Oo has been directly involved in and responsible for decision making concerning state functions and is therefore responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law". Mya Tun Oo should be held accountable for his role in the military's attempted coup and the junta's atrocity crimes and not rewarded through participation in ADMM.
We welcome ASEAN's exclusion of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing from the 2021 ASEAN Summit and the exclusion of the junta foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin from the 2022 Foreign Ministers' Retreat. However, we note with concern that ADMM has invited the junta to participate in meetings, including at the ministerial level, since its illegal coup attempt, which is inconsistent with decisions made by ASEAN not to invite General Min Aung Hlaing and Wunna Maung Lwin. ADMM's engagement with the junta, which has included military exercises, may likely amount to aiding and abetting the junta's war crimes and crimes against humanity.
It is imperative that ASEAN does not award legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta, upholds its charter and respects international human rights and humanitarian law by excluding the junta from ADMM. In allowing the junta to participate in ADMM, ASEAN is further risking complicity in the junta's atrocity crimes by providing support and legitimacy to the military and encouraging a military that is waging a nationwide campaign of terror.
As ASEAN defence ministers, we appeal to you to disinvite Mya Tun Oo from the 16th ADMM and all future meetings. Engage with the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar, and work to resolve the crisis in Myanmar.
For any further inquiries, please contact:
Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice,
Debbie Stothard, ALTSEAN-Burma,
Salai Za Uk Ling, Chin Human Rights Organization,
List of Signatories
The list of signatories below includes 299 Myanmar, regional and international organizations and 378 Myanmar civil society organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names.
Signed by:
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"Do" farmer Organization
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8888 Generation (New Zealand)
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8888 New Generation (Mohnyin)
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Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney)
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Action Committee for Democracy Development
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Active Youths (Kalaymyo)
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Ah Nah podcast- Conversation with Myanmar
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Ah. La. Ka (12) Hta Khwe, Primary Education Student Union
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All Arakan Students and Youths' Congress
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All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
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All Burma Student Democratic Front - Australia Branch
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All Religions Strike Column
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All Young Burmese League (AYBL)
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Alliance for Free Burma Solidarity
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Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
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ALTSEAN-Burma
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Anti Dictatorship in Burma DC Metropolitan Area
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Anti-Myanmar Dictatorship Movement
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Anti-Myanmar Military Dictatorship Network (AMMDN)
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Arakan CSO Network
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Arakan Humanitarian Coordination Team- AHCT
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ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
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Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
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Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition
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Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD) Philippines
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Asian Cultural Forum on Development Foundation (ACFOD) Thailand
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Asian Dignity Initiative
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Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
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Association for Advancement of Freedom of Religion or Belief in Vietnam (AAFORB-VN)
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Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
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Athan - Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
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Auckland Kachin Community N.Z.
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Auckland Zomi Community
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Aung Myay Thar Zan Education Schools Strike Column
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Aung Pin Lae Main Strike Column
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Australia Burma Friendship Association, Northern Territory
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Australia Karen Organization WA Inc.
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Australia Myanmar Doctors, Nurses and Friends
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Australia Myanmar Youth Alliance (AMYA)
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Australian Burmese Muslim Organisation
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Australian Chin Community (Eastern Melbourne Inc)
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Australian Karen Organisation (AKO)
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Australian Karen Organisation Inc
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Back Pack Health Workers Team
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Bamar Community Tasmania
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BCC (စစ်ကိုင်း)
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Blood Money Campaign
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Buddhist Solidarity Association
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Burma Action Ireland
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Burma Campaign U.K.
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Burma Human Rights Network
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Burma Lawyers' Council (BLC)
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Burma Medical Association
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Burma Soumalaiset (Finland)
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Burmese Community - South Australia
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Burmese Community Development Collaboration (BCDC)
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Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, N.Z.)
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Burmese Community Support Group (BCSG)
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Burmese Friendship Association
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Burmese Medical Association Australia (BMAA)
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Burmese Rohingya Organisation U.K.
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Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
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Burmese Women's Union
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Cambodian Americans and Friends for Democracy and Human Rights Advocate
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Campaign for a New Myanmar
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Canberra Karen Association
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CDM Support Team Mandalay (CSTM)
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Chan Mya Thar Si Township People Strike Column
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Chin Community - South Australia
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Chin Community of Auckland
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Chin Community of Western Australia Inc.
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Chin Community Tasmania
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Chin Human Rights Organization
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Chin MATA Working Group
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Chin Resources Center
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Chin Youth Organization (Matupi)
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Citizen of Burma Award - New Zealand
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CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
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Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw
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Cooperative University Student Strike Column
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CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
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CRPH Funding Ireland
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CRPH Support Group, Norway
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CRPH, NUG Support Team Germany - Deutschland
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CRPH/NUG support group Australia
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Dawei Development Association
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Dawei Probono Lawyer Network
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Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (N.Z.)
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Democracy, Peace and Women's Organization
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Democratic Youth Council
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Doh Atu - Ensemble pour le Myanmar
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Dragon Dawn
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Education and health care for Myanmar-Thailand Association
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Education Family (Anti - Fascists Education Strike Columns Coordination Committee)
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Educational Initiatives Myanmar
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Equality Myanmar
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Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee
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Falam Community - South Australia
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Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (N.Z.)
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Foundation of Khmer Samaki
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Free Burma Campaign (South Africa)
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Free Expression Myanmar (FEM)
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Free Rohingya Coalition
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Future Light Center
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Future Thanlwin
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General Strike Committee of Nationalities - GSCN
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Generation Wave
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Generations (မျိုးဆက်)
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GenY For Revolution Japan
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German Solidarity with Myanmar Democracy e.V.
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Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
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Global Myanmar Spring Revolution - Japan
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Global Myanmar Spring Revolution - Korea
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Golden Heart Organization
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Grass-root People
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Human Rights Educators' Network
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Human Rights Foundation of Monland
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In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement (iDEFEND) Philippines
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India For Myanmar
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Industrial Training Centre (ITC) Family Sydney
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Info Birmanie
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Initiatives for International Dialogue
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Institute for Asian Democracy
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Inter Pares
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Interfaith Youth Coalition on Aids in Myanmar (IYCA-Myanmar)
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International Campaign for the Rohingya
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International Karen Organisation
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JASS Southeast Asia
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Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (JACDB)
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Justice 4 Myanmar - Hope & Development
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Justice Movement for Community-Innlay
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Justice For Myanmar
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Kachin Association Australia
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Kachin Association of Australia WA Inc.
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Kachin Human Rights Watch
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Kachin State Women Network
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Kachin Women's Association Thailand
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Kachin Women's Union
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Kadu Youth Development Association (KYDA)
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Kalyarna Metta Association (Khin U)
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Kanbung Youth (Matupi)
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Kanpetlet Land Development Organization
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Karen Community - South Australia
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Karen Human Rights Group
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Karen Peace Support Network
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Karen Swedish Community (KSC)
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Karen Women's Organization
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Karenni Community of Western Australia Inc.
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Karenni Federation of Australia
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Karenni Human Rights Group
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Karenni Society New Zealand
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Kayan Internally Displacement Supervising Committee (KIDSC)
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Kayan Women’s Organization
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Kayin Community Tasmania
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Keng Tung Youth
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Khanthar Farmers Network
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Khumzup Local Development Committee
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Kurawal Foundation
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Kyauktada Strike Committee
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LA COMMUNAUTÉ BIRMANE DE FRANCE
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LGBTIQ Strike of Mandalay
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Maha Aung Myay Township People Collective Strike Column
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Mandalar University Student Strike Column
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Mandalay Alliance Strike Collective Column
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Mandalay Based People Strike Column
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Mandalay Civil Society Organizations
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Mandalay Engineer Group
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Mandalay Engineer United Force
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Mandalay University Student Alumni Union
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Mandalay Wholesale Strike Column
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Mandalay Youth Association
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Mandalay Youth Strike Column
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MATA Sagaing Region
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Matu Chin Community - South Australia
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Matu Forum Committee
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Matu Women Association
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Medical Family – Mandalay
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Metta Campaign Mandalay
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MIIT Student Strike Column
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MilkTeaAlliance Calendar
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MilkTeaAlliance Galleries
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Mindanao Peacebuilding Institute Foundation, Inc. (MPI)
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Mindat Chin Community NSW
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Mindat Community - South Australia
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Mindat Emergency Response Team (MERT)
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Mizo Community - South Australia
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Mon Families Group
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Mon National Council (MNC)
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Mung Chying Rawt Jat (MRJ)
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Muslim Youth Network
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Muslim Youth Union
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Mya Taung Strike Column
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Myanmar Accountability Project
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Myanmar Action Group Denmark
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Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
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Myanmar Buddhist Community of South Australia
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Myanmar Community Coffs Harbour (MCC)
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Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
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Myanmar Democracy and Peace Committee (Australia)
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Myanmar Democratic Movement (MDM)
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Myanmar Diaspora Group Finland
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Myanmar Engineering Association of Australia (MEAA)
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Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
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Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
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Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
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Myanmar People from Ireland
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Myanmar People Residing in Canberra
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Myanmar Professionals Association Australia (MPAA)
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Myanmar Railway, Region (3) CDM Strike Column
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Myanmar Students' Association Australia (MSAA)
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Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
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Netherlands Myanmar Solidarity Platform
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Network for Advocacy Action
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Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
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New Zealand Doctors for NUG
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New Zealand Karen Association
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New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
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NLD Solidarity Association (Australia)
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No 7 State High School Alumni Strike Column
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No Business With Genocide
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Northern Spectrum Youth Association
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NSW Karenni (Kayah) Communities
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OCTOPUS (Youth Organization)
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Open Development Foundation
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Overseas Mon Association, New Zealand
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Pan Pa Wash People Strike Column
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Patriotic War Vetrans of Burma (PWVB)
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Peace and Culture Foundation
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People's Hope Spring Revolution
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Phayagye Peace Strike Column
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Private Pre-school Teachers Association
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Progressive Voice
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Pusat Komas
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Pyi Gyi Ta Gon Strike
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Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
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Queensland Kachin Community (QKC)
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Queensland Myanmar Youth Collective (QMYC
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Queensland Rohingya Community
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Rohingya Action Ireland
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Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
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Sangha Samaga Strike Column
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Save and Care Organization for Women at Border Areas
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SAVE MYANMAR - USA
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Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
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Sein Pan Strike Column
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Shan Community (New Zealand)
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Shan MATA
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Shan Women Development Network
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Shape-Sea
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Shwe Youth Democratic Alliance (SYDA)
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Shwechinthae Farmers Network
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Sisters 2 Sisters
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Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
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Social Garden
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Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)
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Southern Youth Development Organization
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Strike Column of Representatives of Arbitrarily Arrested People
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Strike Column of Teachers from Universities and Degree Colleges of Mandalay
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Students & Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)
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Support for Myanmar
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Swedish Burma Committee
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Swedish Foundation for Human Rights
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Sydney Friends for Myanmar Unity
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Ta'ang Women's Organization
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Taekwando Sport Association
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Tanintharyi MATA
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Tanintharyi Nationalities Congress
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Tanintharyi People's Voice
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Tanintharyi Women's Network
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Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB)
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Thapaynyo News Letter
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The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
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The Institution of Professional Engineers Myanmar (IPEM)
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Together Thanlyin
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Twitter Team for Revolution
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U.S. Campaign for Burma
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Uakthon Local Social Development Organization
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United Myanmar Community of South Australia
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Victorian Burmese Care Community (VBCC)
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Victorian Myanmar Youth (VMY)
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Way Way Nay
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We Pledge CDM (Australia)
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Western Australia Myanmar Community (WAMC)
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Western Australia Myanmar Democratic Network (WAMDN)
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Winemaw Civil Society Network
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Winemaw Lisu Development Association
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Women Activists Myanmar (WAM)
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Women Advocacy Coalition-Myanmar
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Women's League of Burma
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Women's Peace Network
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Zo Community - South Australia
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Zomi Association Australia Inc.
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Zomi Community - South Australia
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Zomi Community Queensland
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ခုနစ်စင်ကြယ်အဖွဲ့
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ဒို့မြေကွန်ရက် (LIOH)
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ဒေါင်းစစ်သည်
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ပွင့်ဖြူလယ်ယာမြေကွန်ရက်
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ပဲခူး MATA
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Open Letter to UN member states: Urgent action needed on Myanmar
To:Member and Observer states of the UN Human Rights Council
Subject:Urgent action needed on MyanmarDear Excellencies
We write to you regarding the deeply concerning situation in Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine State. Reports estimate that more than 270,000 Rohingyas have fled to Bangladesh following the outbreak of violence two weeks ago, and this figure is expected to significantly increase. Thousands of non-Muslim residents have also been internally displaced. Reports have also emerged of entire villages being burnt and hundreds killed. On 31 August, three UN Special Rapporteurs expressed concern citing credible reports of death to villagers resulting from security force attacks, and the use of helicopters and rocket propelled grenades on the population. On 5 September, speaking to reporters, the UN Secretary General warned of a risk of ethnic cleansing. Access to northern Rakhine State has been denied to independent observers and humanitarian aid agencies while media has been tightly controlled – leaving the territory under a virtual information blackout and exacerbating a humanitarian catastrophe. We call on the UN Human Rights Council to urgently act – by passing a resolution on Myanmar calling for an end to abuses against the population and ensuring immediate humanitarian access.
The UN Human Rights Council established a Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFM) at its 34th session in March this year, following reports of alarming human rights violations in Rakhine State beginning in October last year. In February 2017, a report by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and statements by the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar referred to reports of egregious violations targeting the Rohingya minority at the end of 2016 and the beginning of 2017 – including the deliberate killing of children, the burning of homes with people inside them, rape, and sexual violence. The OHCHR report concluded that reports indicate the very likely commission of crimes against humanity. Military operations conducted during this period bear a close semblance to current operations which involve mass exodus of Rohingya fleeing violence, multiple reports of civilian deaths, and egregious violations under an information blackout, without independent access to observers or journalists.
The current bout of violence began following reports of coordinated attacks on police posts by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), an armed militant organisation, on 25 August – after which the Myanmar military launched a massive response. Weeks before the current outbreak of violence, on 11 August, the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar expressed concern on increasing military build-up in Rakhine State. The violence broke out immediately following the release of a report by an international commission headed by the former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which called for reforms to address wide-ranging forms of discrimination faced by the Rohingya community. On 29 August, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights cautioned all sides on fuelling further violence and called on the government leadership to condemn the inflammatory rhetoric and incitement to hatred that is proliferating. He further expressed concerns on unsupported government allegations that international aid organizations were complicit in or supporting attacks, as this places aid workers in danger and may make it impossible for them to deliver essential aid.
Myanmar has so far failed to restore full humanitarian access following the preceding period of violence that began in October 2016. The Myanmar government has hitherto been reluctant to cooperate with the FFM and has denied allegations relating to violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law. The government has also refused to reform discriminatory laws that affect the Rohingya community and deny them full citizenship rights, leaving the community in a vulnerable situation.
It is imperative for the UN Human Rights Council to urgently address the escalating situation in Myanmar through a resolution at the upcoming 36th session of the UN Human Rights Council. The establishment of the FFM was considerably delayed for technical reasons. The lack of access to the country by independent investigators as well as the current outbreak of violence have further increased the magnitude of the body's work ahead of its March 2018 reporting deadline. In this context, the Council should pass a resolution on Myanmar which:
- Extends the time available for the FFM beyond March;
- Makes provision for the FFM to provide a preliminary report to the UN General Assembly in September 2017 and a final report to the UN Human Rights Council and the General Assembly in 2018;
- Calls on Myanmar to urgently grant full access to the FFM;
- Emphasises the responsibility of Myanmar to prevent and seek accountability for any retaliation or reprisal against individuals for engaging with the FFM;
- Expresses grave concern over recent allegations of violations and calls for an immediate end to attacks on the civilian population; and
- Urges full access for humanitarian aid and independent observers.
Please accept the assurance of our highest consideration.
- ALTSEAN-Burma (Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma)
- ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
- Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
- Asian Legal Resource Center (ALRC)
- Awaz Foundation Pakistan - Centre for Development Services (AwazCDS-Pakistan)
- Burma Campaign UK
- Bytes for All, Pakistan (B4A)
- Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
- Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
- Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW)
- CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
- Civil Rights Defenders
- Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (kontraS)
- Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
- Conectas Direitos Humanos
- Defend Defenders (the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
- Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
- FIDH - International Federation for Human Rights
- Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
- Human Rights Watch
- Human Rights Working Group (HRWG)
- INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre
- Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC)
- International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
- Judicial System Monitoring Program (JSMP)
- Korean House for International Solidarity (KHIS)
- Madaripur Legal Aid Association
- National Commission for Justice and Peace, Pakistan
- Odhikar
- Partnership for Justice
- People's Empowerment Foundation, Thailand
- People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR)
- PILIPINA Legal Resources Center (PLRC)
- Pusat KOMAS
- Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit
- Safeguard Defenders
- South India Cell for Human Rights Education and Monitoring (SICHREM)
- Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
- Think Centre
- Unitarian Universalist Service Committee
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Open letter: The UN Human Rights Council must take concrete steps to actualise justice and bolster support for the people of Myanmar’s will for federal democracy and human rights
In this joint letter, CIVICUS and several civil society organisations call for the adoption of a robust resolution which reflects Myanmar people’s democratic will, seeks to advance accountability, and supports effective locally-led humanitarian assistance.
To Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council
Cc: The UN High Commissioner for Human RightsYour Excellencies,
We, the undersigned 160 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organisations (CSOs), call for the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to take concrete actions to advance accountability through all possible avenues, protect human rights of the Myanmar people, and strongly support their will for federal democracy.
We welcome the UNHRC resolution of 1 April 2022 which acknowledged the human rights situation in Myanmar as one of the Council's important agenda. We however recognise that the resolution failed to adequately reflect or address the severity of the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. The resolution also fell short in advancing justice and ending rampant impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military for decades. During the 52nd Regular Session of the UNHRC, we call for the adoption of a meaningful and robust resolution which reflects the Myanmar people’s desire for federal democracy, pursues all available mechanisms and avenues for justice and accountability, and bolsters effective locally-led frontline humanitarian
assistance.While monitoring and reporting mandates on Myanmar by the UNHRC remain strong and robust, there is an urgent need for the Council to strengthen its efforts for justice and accountability. The creation of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) to collect evidence of the most serious international crimes in Myanmar and prepare files for criminal prosecution — following the findings of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar — was a substantial step in the right direction. However, the IIMM is not mandated to initiate prosecution, rendering justice elusive for victims of the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar prior to its establishment in 2018, including the
Rohingya genocide. Currently, there is no international court that has an investigation into all crimes committed in Myanmar. -
Outcomes & Reflections from 39th Session of UN Human Rights Council
This session, the Council adopted landmark resolutions on several country situations, further enhancing its contribution to the protection of human rights.
On Myanmar, we welcome the creation of the independent investigative mechanism, which is an important step towards accountability for the horrific crimes committed in Myanmar, as elaborated in the Fact Finding Mission’s report to this session. The overwhelming support for the resolution, notwithstanding China’s shameful blocking of consensus, was a clear message to victims and survivors that the international community stands with them in their fight for justice.
On Yemen, the Council demonstrated that principled action is possible, and has sent a strong message to victims of human rights violations in Yemen that accountability is a priority for the international community, by voting in favor of renewing the mandate of the Group of Eminent Experts to continue international investigations into violations committed by all parties to the conflict.
Furthermore, we welcome the leadership by a group of States on the landmark resolution on Venezuela, and consider it as an important step for the Council applying objective criteria to address country situations that warrant its attention. The resolution, adopted with support from all regions, sends a strong message of support to the Venezuelan people. By opening up a space for dialogue at the Council, the resolution brings scrutiny to the tragic human rights and humanitarian crisis unfolding in the country.
While we welcome the renewal of the mandate of the Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on Burundi, to continue its critical investigation and work towards accountability, we regret, however, that the Council failed to respond more strongly to Burundi's record of non-cooperation and attacks against the UN human rights system.
We also welcome the Council’s adoption of the resolution on Syria, which among other things condemns all violations and abuses of international human rights law and all violations of international humanitarian law committed by all parties to the conflict.
However, on other country situations including China, Sudan, Cambodia and the Philippines, the Council failed to take appropriate action.
On Sudan, we are deeply concerned about the weak resolution that envisions an end to the Independent Expert’s mandate once an OHCHR office is set up; a "deal" Sudan has already indicated it does not feel bound by, and which is an abdication of the Council’s responsibility to human rights victims in Sudan while grave violations are ongoing. At a minimum, States should ensure the planned country office monitors and publicly reports on the human rights situation across Sudan, and that the High Commissioner is mandated to report to the Council on the Office’s findings.
We also regret the lack of concerted Council action on the Philippines, in spite of the need to establish independent international and national investigations into extrajudicial killings in the government's 'war on drugs', and to monitor and respond to the government's moves toward authoritarianism.
In addition, we regret the Council’s weak response to the deepening human rights and the rule of law crisis in Cambodia, failing to change its approach even when faced with clear findings by the Special Rapporteur demonstrating that the exclusive focus on technical assistance and capacity building in the country, is failing.
We share the concerns that many raised during the session, including the High Commissioner, about China’s human rights record, specifically noting serious violations of the rights of Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim minorities in Xinjiang province. It is regrettable that States did not make a concrete and collective call for action by China to cease the internment of estimates ranging up to 1 million individuals from these communities.
On thematic resolutions, we welcome the adoption of the resolution on equal participation in political and public affairs but would have preferred a stronger endorsement and implementation of the guidelines.
The resolution on safety of journalists, adopted by consensus, sets out a clear roadmap of practical actions to end impunity for attacks. Journalism is not a crime - yet too many States in this room simply imprison those that criticize them. This must end, starting with the implementation of this resolution.
We welcome the adoption by consensus of the resolution on preventable maternal mortality and morbidity and human rights in humanitarian settings. Women and girls affected by conflict have been denied accountability for too long. The implementation of this resolution will ensure that their rights, including their sexual and reproductive health and rights, are respected, protected and fulfilled.
Finally, the Council’s first interactive dialogue on acts of reprisals and intimidation was an important step to ensure accountability for this shameful practice, and we urge more States to have the courage and conviction to stand up for human rights defenders and call out countries that attack and intimidate them.
Signatories:
The African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS)
Amnesty International
Article 19
Center for Reproductive Rights
CIVICUS
DefendDefenders
FIDH
Forum Asia
Human Rights House Foundation (HRHF)
Human Rights Watch
International Commission of Jurists
International Service for Human Rights (ISHR) -
Outcomes from the UN Human Rights Council...to be continued
In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the United Nations Human Rights Council’s 43rd Session, which was scheduled to run from 24 Feb – 20 March, was suspended after three weeks on 13 March until further notice.
CIVICUS fully supports the suspension of the Session on public health grounds, and the precautionary measures taken before the suspension. However, we remain concerned that public participation in the Council risks being disproportionately affected, especially in light of the decision to cut General Debates from the 44th Session (June), which removes a key platform for civil society to engage with governments. The UN depends on information from the ground in order to make evidence-based decisions, and we call on states to take steps to ensure that the participation of civil society is not compromised.In Nicaragua, a human rights crisis has seen hundreds of thousands flee the country and an ongoing crackdown against human rights organisations, community leaders, and journalists. The situation is compounded by a lack of political will from the government to engage with regional or international mechanisms, or to ensure accountability. CIVICUS welcomes that the draft resolution on Nicaragua tabled during the Session would provide a mandate for enhanced monitoring and reporting by the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights (OHCHR) on the situation at this critical time, and we urge all states to support this resolution when the Session resumes.
We also call on states to support the renewal of the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. The 43rd session marked the final one for the current Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, and we thank her for her outstanding work during her mandate. Myanmar has undergone significant developments in its human rights framework since the Special Rapporteur began her term – from elections in 2015 which saw a groundswell of hope for positive change, to the dawning realisation of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya in Rakhine state. But the curtailment of fundamental freedoms and total crackdown on any criticism of authorities has remained grimly consistent. Those on the ground, the human rights defenders and activists who are trying to achieve change, need international support from the Human Rights Council.
In late 2019, Iran erupted into a series of protests against the lack of political and democratic freedoms and the deteriorating economic situation. Protesters were met with violent repression through mass arrests and lethal force. When the Session resumes, the Human Rights Council will vote on extending the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Iran. We welcome support shown by states so far for the renewal of the mandate, and we urge adoption of this resolution when the Session continues.
What is a Special Rapporteur?
Special Rapporteur is a title given to an independent expert who works on behalf of the United Nations who has a specific country or thematic mandate from the Human Rights Council. Special Rapporteurs often conduct fact-finding missions to countries to investigate allegations of human rights violations. They can only officially visit countries that have agreed to invite them. Aside from fact-finding missions, Rapporteurs regularly assess and verify complaints from alleged victims of human rights violations.The mandates for Special Rapporteurs on freedom of expression and opinion, and on human rights defenders, are set to be renewed when the Session resumes. We encourage all member and observer states to show their full support for these mandates by co-sponsorsing the resolutions.
Just prior to the suspension of the Session, Mary Lawlor was appointed as new Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders. We look forward to working with her as she protects those on the frontline of defending human rights around the world, and we thank Michel Forst, the outgoing mandate holder, for his tireless work.
Towards the beginning of the Session, the High Commissioner’s update on Sri Lanka highlighted ongoing impunity for past grave human rights abuses in the country. The new Sri Lankan government, which came into power in 2019, has said that it intends to renege on Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 which provided commitments to accountability, truth and reconciliation. The human rights space in Sri Lanka has deteriorated sharply under the new administration, and the undermining of this resolution – currently the only route to ensuring transitional justice in Sri Lanka – would not only be fatal to victims and their families, but also a significant setback to the UN itself. We urge states to strongly encourage Sri Lanka to uphold its commitments and reiterate calls for an international accountability mechanism to ensure that accountability remains a possibility.
Although India was not on the official agenda of this Session, the ongoing crackdown on Kashmir, a discriminatory citizenship law and violent suppression of protests proved an ongoing issue throughout the Session.
CIVICUS, FORUM-ASIA, ISHR, FIDH, OMCT and ICJ organized a side event to discuss the current situation and ways in which the international community, including the Council, could contribute to constrictive progress. With key partners, CIVICUS also joined important statements on the situation in Jammu and Kashmir as well as on India’s recent discriminatory citizenship law, and we were encouraged to see several states raise their own concerns about India during debates.
Civic space ratings by CIVICUS Monitor Open Narrowed Obstructed Repressed Closed Our joint and stand alone country statements at the 43rd Session of the Human Rights Council Angola Burundi El Salvador Eritrea Fiji India Iraq Iran Jammu & Kashmir Madagascar Myanmar Nicaragua Sri Lanka See all statements -
Rights groups call for repeal of online defamation law in Myanmar
Joint statement by 61 Myanmar and international human rights organizations
Concerned by reports that the Myanmar authorities will retain the criminal defamation provision of Section 66(d) during a review of the Telecommunications Law, 61 national and international human rights organizations are urging the Myanmar authorities, and in particular the Ministry of Transport and Communication and the Parliament, to ensure it is repealed in the amended law.
Section 66(d) of the 2013 Telecommunications Law provides for up to three years in prison for “extorting, coercing, restraining wrongfully, defaming, disturbing, causing undue influence or threatening any person using a telecommunications network.” In the last two years, this law has opened the door to a wave of criminal prosecutions of individuals for peaceful communications on Facebook and has increasingly been used to stifle criticism of the authorities. According to the 2013 Telecommunications Research Group, which has been documenting prosecutions under Section 66(d), at least 71 people are known to have been charged for online defamation under the law.
The current review of the Telecommunications Law offers an important opportunity to repeal Section 66(d) and bring the 2013 Telecommunications Law fully in line with international human rights law and standards. Failure to do so would raise serious questions about the government’s commitment to freedom of expression. It would, worryingly, leave people in the country at risk of imprisonment simply for sharing opinions online. It would also undermine the government’s reform and responsible business agenda, by chilling or even silencing the ability of the public and the media to report on public sector mismanagement, harmful and illegal business practices, and corruption.
VAGUELY-WORDED, SECTION 66(D) HAS ALLOWED FOR AN ABUSIVE APPLICATION OF THE LAW
One of the most problematic aspects of Section 66(d) is its vagueness. Under international human rights law and standards, restrictions on the human right to freedom of expression are allowed for certain, narrowly defined purposes only, including to protect the rights and reputation of others. Restrictions should be clear, detailed and well-defined in law, limited to those specified purposes, and necessary and proportionate to achieve their aim.
Section 66(d) does not adequately define what actions would be considered “disturbing”, or “causing undue influence.” These terms are overly broad and subject to widely different interpretations. Previous military governments for example, deemed the views of people who promoted democracy and human rights to be “disturbing.”
This vagueness carries risks. Section 66(d) has been used to stifle criticism of both the civilian government and the military. For instance, individuals have been imprisoned for Facebook posts calling Myanmar’s President Htin Kyaw an “idiot” and “crazy” and for posts mocking the Myanmar Army. One criminal prosecution revolved around the posting of an image depicting the Army’s Commander-in-Chief with a women’s htamein (a sarong-like garment) on his head.
It is important to keep in mind that under international law, the purpose of laws covering defamation, libel, slander and insult is to protect the rights and reputations of people, not to prevent criticism of the government or of individual officials. According to UN Special Rapporteurs on the right to freedom of expression and the UN Human Rights Committee, public figures are necessarily subject to a greater degree of criticism than private citizens because of their institutional role, to ensure open debate about matters of public interest.
The high volume of cases brought under Section 66(d) has also been facilitated by the fact that it allows anyone to file a complaint, even individuals other than the person who has allegedly been defamed. As a result, in Myanmar people have filed complaints on behalf of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Htin Kyaw, as well as members of the military.
In the past year we have also seen a surge in the number of criminal prosecutions initiated by private Facebook users against each other for posts that they believe to be untrue, insulting, offensive, or otherwise objectionable. These include, for example, Facebook posts saying that someone was a cheat, warning people against using specific businesses, or complaining about land disputes.
DEFAMATION SHOULD NEVER BE CRIMINALISED – WHERE IT OCCURS THERE ARE OTHER WAYS TO ADDRESS IT
Although international human rights law and standards do not prohibit the use of defamation laws for purposes such as protecting the rights and reputations of people, international authorities including the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of expression and the UN Human Rights Committee have affirmed that defamation should never be a criminal offence. This is because imprisoning someone for defaming another person is disproportionate and can threaten the right to freedom of expression itself. The threat of imprisonment can prevent people from peacefully speaking out on sensitive issues and lead to self-censorship.
There are other ways to address defamation, including online defamation, which do not involve imprisonment, for example through making it a matter of civil rather than criminal law. In addition, those responsible could be made to issue an apology, a public rectification or clarification in order to restore the reputation that has been harmed.
Our organizations are deeply concerned that some members of the administration appear to view Section 66(d) as a solution to address advocacy of hatred. We recognize that Myanmar has a growing problem in this regard and welcome attempts to address this. However, Section 66(d) has done little to prevent such activity. Instead, it has enabled an environment of intolerance and conflict by allowing anyone who deems a Facebook post “offensive” to sue the author.
As the government has expressed its intention to adopt a separate law on hate speech, we would like to stress that any prohibition of advocacy of hatred must be formulated precisely and not unlawfully restrict freedom of expression. Beyond legislation, our organizations believe authorities at all levels should speak out against discriminatory rhetoric and ensure broader policy measures are undertaken to tackle the root causes of intolerance, including for instance by promoting intercultural dialogue and education on diversity and pluralism.
RECOMMENDATIONS
In light of the above, our organizations are urging the Myanmar authorities to:- Repeal Section 66(d) of the 2013 Telecommunications Law;
- Or at a very minimum, amend it to ensure that: defamation is no longer criminalized and that where recognizably criminal acts such as “extortion”, “coercion”, “wrongful restraint” and “threats” occur in the law they are clearly defined in line with international human rights law, so as to ensure it is not used to criminalise the peaceful expression of views.
As long as Section 66(d) remains, people in Myanmar – especially those who criticise officials and government policies online – will be at risk of being imprisoned for their peaceful exercise of the right to freedom of expression.
List of signatories:
- Alin Mee Ain
- Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (Altsean-Burma)
- All Arakan Students' and Youths' Congress (AASYC)
- Amnesty International
- Arakan Rivers Network (ARN)
- Area Peace and Development Forward
- ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
- Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPP-B)
- Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
- Association Suisse Birmanie (ASB)
- Burma Campaign UK (BCUK)
- Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
- Burma Link
- Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
- Charity-Oriented Myanmar
- Cherry Images
- Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW)
- CIVICUS
- Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
- Colors Rainbow
- Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
- Equality Myanmar (EQMM)
- Farmer Rights and Development Organization
- Farmer Union, Magway
- Fortify Rights
- Free Burma Campaign (South Africa)
- Free Expression Myanmar (FEM)
- Future Light Center
- Gender Equality Network
- Green Network Sustainable Environment Group
- Human Rights Documentation-Burma (ND-Burma)
- Human Rights Educators Association (HREA)
- Human Rights Educators Network (HREN)
- Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
- Human Rights Watch (HRW)
- Info Birmanie (France)
- Institute for Asian Democracy
- International Campaign for the Rohingya
- International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
- International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
- Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
- Korean House for International Solidarity
- Magway EITI Watch Group
- Mon Youth Educator Organization (MYEO)
- Mwetaung Area Development Group
- Myaing Youth Development Organization
- New Generation (Shan State)
- Nyein Chan Yar
- Norwegian Burma Committee
- Odhikar
- Peace and Justice Myanmar (PJM)
- Progressive Voice (PV)
- Promotion of Indigenous and Nature Together (POINT)
- Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
- Shwechinthae Social Service Group (Shwe Bo)
- Swedish Burma Committee
- The Seagull: Human Rights, Peace & Development
- United-ACT
- US Campaign for Burma
- Women and Peace Action Network (Shan State)
- Women Peace Network
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ROHINGYA REFUGEES: ‘We want to go back home in peace’
CIVICUS speaks about the situation in Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh and youth activism with Maung Sawyeddollah, founder and executive director of the Rohingya Students Network, a global network of Rohingya students and young people based in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.What is the Rohingya Students Network and what does it do?
The Rohingya Students Network is a global interconnected network of Rohingya students and young people. I founded it in December 2019 and it now has members in all 33 camps in Cox’s Bazar. We operate through WhatsApp and we arrange weekly meetings with all members to work towards our objective, which is to ensure the life, liberty and security of the Rohingya people.
We do two kinds of work. We work on community development by organising activities such as skills training and youth workshops. And we advocate for our people by talking to international media and working alongside the International Court of Justice (ICJ). As bringing justice to our people is very important for us, we help by collecting materials such as victims’ testimonies. We also oversee the overall situation of our people and collect data to share with our members.
We are bringing a case against Facebook because we believe Facebook used the genocide in Myanmar for business. We would normally send a letter to Facebook and ask them for help to fund Rohingya education camps. But they refuse to compensate for what they did, and so we had to take the legal way. Facebook is responsible for many human rights violations in Myanmar, so now we are legally pursuing the matter. We are getting help from Victim Advocates International, an organisation of lawyers.
What is the education situation in refugee camps?
The situation is bad. There are several schools in the camps but they all have a very dated system. One of them is the Rohingya Learning Centre. But all they do is give Rohingya students biscuits! Kids tell us, ‘We go to the Learning Centre to get biscuits, not to get education’.
There’s a lack of learning centres and qualified teachers inside the camps, even though we’ve been living here for five years. Teachers just teach basic things such as A is for apple, B is for ball. Our kids aren´t getting the quality education they deserve.
Have there been any changes in the situation of Rohingya people?
I would say there hasn’t been any change to our situation since 2017. It’s true there have been meetings about the Rohingya and many organisations and groups have issued statements regarding our situation. However, all these meetings and statements have brought no positive outcome. The solutions offered to end the conflict still equal zero.
There have been some minor improvements though. For instance, the USA has declared the Rohingya situation as genocide. The case has made some progress in the ICJ and the International Criminal Court. But still, solutions haven’t gone past an initial stage. Our crisis is a complicated one.
The long-term scenario is complex. We left our country, Myanmar, in 2017 and are still facing systematic violence there. We were a minority and had to leave because of the violence towards us. We are now living in Bangladesh but continue to fight in various arenas to get the justice our people deserve.
There are many factors we need to consider to get our rights back. We can say there’s a civil war happening in Myanmar. There are two parallel governments competing to rule the country: the military government and the National Unity Government.
In Rakhine State – where Rohingya people are from – there are powerful groups such as the Arkan Army, which are also a challenge because they prevent people from getting back to their homes. These are challenges we need to address. And who knows, maybe someday we can get back home.
What challenges do you face when doing your work?
The threats and dangers are constant. For every single activity we want to do, there is some kind of opposition. A big part of society is opposed to the kind of work we do. We are respected by the government of Bangladesh and allowed to do our work freely, although I think they are now changing their minds. I think our Going Home Campaign, which we launched a few weeks ago, will make our relationship a bit harder.
There is also the fact that we continue to demand our rights, and many people speak up online and advocate for our rights, but the audience that we really need to listen to us, those responsible for the persecution we suffer, and those we need to sort out our situation, are sitting in government chairs in Myanmar and won’t address our demands because they simply don’t want us.
What international help do Rohingya people need?
We need as much international help as we can get. We need the international community to pressure the government of Myanmar so that they accept all of our demands for basic needs and rights. We need them to accept Rohingya people in Myanmar.
What we expect from the world is to help us create the right conditions to put pressure on Myanmar’s power holders, the main stakeholders to solve this crisis. There are many ways they can help us. For instance, as the USA helped us by declaring our situation as genocide; other big powers should do the same. We need the world to speak out and stand together with us. We want to go back home in peace!
Civic space in Bangladesh is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
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Statement: Severe restrictions to fundamental freedoms persist in Myanmar
41st Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Interactive Dialogue on the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in MyanmarWe welcome the Special Rapporteur’s oral update on Myanmar and urge the Government to resume its cooperation and grant access to the Special Rapporteur, and to address the situation on the ground.
We are particularly concerned that severe restrictions to fundamental freedoms persist in Myanmar. Peaceful protesters continue to face arbitrary arrest and excessive use of force by the police. In the last few months, protesters have been charged under the Penal Code or the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law for their activism.
A Resolution adopted at the last Session of this Council called on Myanmar to immediately and unconditionally release journalists, human rights defenders and activists detained under various restrictive laws. While journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo may have been freed, restrictive laws including the Telecommunications Law, Unlawful Associations Act, Official Secrets Act and defamation provisions in the Penal Code continue to be used to prosecute activists and journalists in Myanmar. Irrawaddy editor U Ye Ni is facing defamation charges for an article on the conflict on the Rakhine state which the Myanmar military deemed “one-sided”.
Those who criticize the military, even satirically, are persecuted. Members of the Peacock Generation troupe face defamation charges after live-streaming on Facebook a satirical performance which criticized the military. In April, prominent filmmaker Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi was detained in connection with a series of social media posts in which he criticised the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.
We are deeply concerned by increasing restrictions to humanitarian access in Rakhine State, deliberately denying support to a population which is gravely in need of it, and willfully obstructing independent reports of the atrocities which are being committed there.
Myanmar’s backsliding on democratic norms compounds the gross human rights violations outlined in the Special Rapporteur’s report. We urge the government of Myanmar to cooperate fully with the mandate of the Special Rapporteur and all other Human Rights Council mechanisms and, in the absence of such cooperation, we ask the Special Rapporteur what action she would suggest that states and national and international civil society could take in order to hold Myanmar accountable to upholding democratic norms?
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Supreme Court set to rule on Reuters journalists jailed in Myanmar
- Myanmar’s Supreme Court is set to rule on an appeal by two jailed Reuters journalists on 23 April
- Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo have been jailed since December 2017, and convicted of violating a state secrets act in September 2018
- The case highlights the increasing crackdown on press freedom in Myanmar
The Myanmar Supreme Court must order the release of Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, global civil society alliance CIVICUS and the Asia Democracy Network (ADN) said today. The two journalists, who have been jailed since 2017, are set to go before the country’s highest court on 23 April. The court will rule upon their appeal, which was submitted on grounds that lower court rulings involved errors in judicial procedure.
In December 2017, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo were handed several documents during a dinner meeting that turned out to be secret government materials relating to Myanmar’s western Rakhine state and security forces. They were then arrested and charged under the country’s colonial-era Official Secrets Act and in September 2018, they were convicted and sentenced to seven years in prison for “illegal possession of official documents.”
During the trial, a police captain, admitted in court that a senior officer had ordered his subordinates to “trap” the journalists by handing them the classified documents. He was subsequently sentenced to a one-year prison term.
At the time of their arrest, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo had been investigating the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslims in Inn Din village in Rakhine during a brutal military crackdown against the Rohingya minority that began in August 2017.
An appeal by the two journalists to a lower court earlier this year on substantive grounds was rejected on the basis that lawyers failed to prove that the pair were innocent.
“Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo have spent 16 months in prison on spurious charges. The Supreme Court must take this opportunity to address this travesty of justice,” said Josef Benedict, CIVICUS Civic Space Researcher. “No journalist should be in prison for doing their job. Their arrest and conviction have sadly created a chilling effect on the media in Myanmar.”
A UN Human Rights Council Resolution adopted at the Council’s 40th Session called on Myanmar to immediately and unconditionally release Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, as well as other journalists, human rights defenders and activists detained under various restrictive laws.
“This case highlights the bleak situation for freedom of expression and press freedom in Myanmar. Overly broad, vague, and abusive laws have been systematically used to prosecute dozens of activists and journalists for the peaceful activism,” said Ichal Supriadi, Secretary-General from the Asia Democracy Network.
In March 2019, in the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar raised concerns about “a decreasing space for the expression of views that are critical” of the government and the “increasing self-censorship by journalists, as well as continued wielding of problematic laws by the government against those who speak out.”
CIVICUS and ADN call on the Supreme Court to order the immediate release of Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, and reiterate calls for the authorities in Myanmar to take immediate steps to ensure that journalists can do their jobs.
TheCIVICUS Monitor, an online platform that tracks threats to civil society in countries across the globe, rates the space for civil society in Myanmar asrepressed.
For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact:
josef.benedict[at]civicus.org
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UN Human Rights Council adopts resolution on Myanmar
Resolution on Myanmar adopted at the 46th Session of the UN Human Rights Council
This resolution, adopted by consensus, represents an important step towards achieving accountability and justice in Myanmar
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UN member states must show their commitment to justice and accountability for the people of Myanmar
Statement at the 54th Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Interactive Dialogue on the report of Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Delivered by May Thiri Khin, Burma Human Rights Network
We thank the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) for their recent report. The creation of the IIMM has been an important step by this Council to strengthen its efforts for justice and accountability.
The Burma Human Rights Network is a civil society organisation working to document crimes against Muslim minorities and others in Myanmar while CIVICUS has been tracking attacks on civic space including the torture, sexual violence and killings of political and human rights activists in detention, as also documented by the IIMM.
We welcome the engagement of the IIMM with civil society and survivors. We recommend the IIMM ensure more regular and transparent communication and coordination with affected communities and civil society in Myanmar and Bangladesh through more dedicated IIMM outreach focal points who can speak Burmese and other ethnic languages. We also request the IIMM to translate its updates into more ethnic languages.
We encourage the IIMM to continue to investigate crimes against Muslim and other ethnic minorities throughout the country. We also urge the IIMM to better support Myanmar human rights organisations on investigative standards, tools, and techniques. Such trainings will allow them to better support the mechanism’s mandate by submitting evidence collected according to best practices and international standards.
We encourage all UN member states to show theircommitment to justice and accountability for the people of Myanmar byincreasing their support to civil society groupsandactivists documenting serious crimes,continuing to fund the IIMM and to support ongoing international justice mechanisms.
We thank you.
Civic space in Myanmar is rated as Closed by the CIVICUS Monitor
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United Kingdom responds to CIVICUS members’ Security Council questions
As part of its consultations with civil society during its Presidency of the Security Council for the month of August, the United Kingdom’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations responded to questions submitted by CIVICUS members on the security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea/Ethiopia, Gaza and Myanmar.
Civil society play an important role in the Security Council’s agenda and CIVICUS thanks the United Kingdom and all members of the Security Council for their ongoing commitment to involving civil society in the council’s workings.
Democratic Republic of Congo
Seven questions were submitted from civil society in the Democratic Republic of Congo reflecting a high level of concern about the security situation there in the lead up to elections in December. Members asked if the Council is monitoring the current situation as well as how the Council plans to prevent deaths during the upcoming elections.
The Security Council is monitoring the situation in DRC closely. In resolution 2409 we asked the Secretary General to provide us with 30 day reports. The Council also discusses the DRC frequently. The Security Council continues to underline the importance of peaceful, credible, inclusive and timely elections on 23 December 2018, in line with the electoral calendar, leading to a peaceful transfer of power, in accordance with the Congolese Constitution. The Security Council also continues to stress the importance of protecting civilians, including through the mandate for MONUSCO which includes the protection of civilians as a strategic priority. During the UK Presidency, there was a Security Council briefing on the DRC, focusing on the upcoming elections. The Ambassador’s statement can be found here.
Eritrea-Ethiopia
A question on Eritrean-Ethiopian relations noted that the relationship has begun to normalise and improve rapidly. While there is no doubt that international and regional efforts have played a role in this improvement it is remarkable that there has been a push for an improvement of human rights and the democratic situation on the Ethiopian side but that the same has not been extended to Eritrea. Does the Security Council now plan to push to improve the human rights situation in Eritrea?
The Security Council issued a statement on the Signing of Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship between Eritrea and Ethiopia on 9 July 2018.
Gaza
Palestinian Consultative Staff for Developing NGOs, from the West Bank asked about why the Council is reducing UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) services, especially to children, women and elderly people. They also asked if the Security Council would consider visiting Gaza.
UNRWA was established and is mandated by the UN General Assembly. The possibility of service suspension due to UNRWA’s current financial shortfall is a matter of grave concern to members of the Security Council; as was expressed during the 22 August Council consultations on the situation in the Middle East.
The UK remains firmly committed to supporting UNRWA and Palestinian refugees across the Middle East. In the face of growing financial pressures, the UK has provided approximately $60 million USD in 2018. We continue to urge others to provide additional funding and regular disbursements to ensure that UNRWA can continue its essential work.
The Security Council is following closely and with concern the situation in Gaza, including through regular briefings such as that provided to the Council on 22 August by Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo.
Myanmar
Maisaa Alamoodi a women’s rights activist from Saudi Arabia asked if the Council would consider imposing sanctions on the Government of Myanmar if it continues to abuse the rights of the Rohingya and prevent their safe return home.
The UK’s overriding long term aim is the safe, voluntary and dignified return to Rakhine, under international monitoring, of as many as possible of the million Rohingya refugees currently in Bangladesh. We currently do not deem the conditions are right for the refugees to return. We will support Burma to do this, but it needs to make tangible improvements on the ground. Most immediately, Burma should allow the UN unfettered access to northern Rakhine.
The UK has welcomed Burma’s announcement of a Commission of Inquiry into the violence in Rakhine. It is now essential that the Burmese government now sets out how the investigation will be credible, transparent and impartial. We are still awaiting the ICC's decision if it has jurisdiction over Rohingya deportations to Bangladesh (a Rome Statute signatory).
Other questions received from CIVICUS members this month covered civic freedoms in Colombia, the withdrawal of UNAMID troops from Darfur, food insecurity in the Sahel, the relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem, the deterioration of civic space in Uganda, Sudanese leader, Omar Al Bashir’s case in the International Criminal Court and the global threat of cyber crime.
These question/response are the outcomes of a Monthly Call to CIVICUS members to submit their question to the President of the UN Security Council. This is an opportunity for members to connect with an important international forum where decisions are made. CIVICUS staff pose the questions on CIVICUS members’ behalf during the President’s brief each month. Stay in touch and be part of this action by joining CIVICUS as a member.
For more information please contact Lyndal Rowlands,
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United Nations adopts resolution on human rights on the internet
CIVCUS welcomes the adoption by the Human Rights Council of a new resolution on human rights on the internet, particularly the resolution’s focus on internet shutdowns.
The shutdown of internet access or access to social media has become a widespread tactic used by the authorities to quell protests or forms of online dissent. In the last year, the CIVICUS Monitor documented such tactics used in Bangladesh, Chad, Ethiopia, India, Myanmar and Palestine, among other countries. The shutdowns significantly disrupt people’s ability to seek, receive or impart information online; in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, this has prevented people from obtaining essential information and services during the crisis. Such restrictions on access to the internet cannot be justified on public order or national security grounds.
The adopted resolution strongly condemns the use of internet shutdowns to intentionally and arbitrarily prevent or disrupt access to or dissemination of information online. It further mandates the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to study the trend in internet shutdowns and present findings to the Council next year.
Over the last year, as participation has moved online, new tactics of online restriction have subsequently developed. We welcome that the resolution calls upon all States to refrain from and to cease online censorship. Given the increasing use by repressive governments of online attacks against human rights defenders and activists, and online surveillance, we call on States to ensure that measures offline or online for the protection of national security, public order and public health are in full compliance with international law obligations and respect the principles of lawfulness, legitimacy, necessity and proportionality.
Given that the digital divide has proven one of the biggest challenges facing civil society participation over the past year, it is particularly relevant that the resolution calls upon all States to accelerate efforts to bridge digital divides while applying a human rights-based approach.