CIVICUS discusses the situation in Niger since the July military coup with Clément Kocou Gbedey, National Coordinator in Niger of the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP).
WANEP is a regional organisation founded in 1998 in response to the civil wars that ravaged West Africa in the 1990s. With over 700 member organisations, it includes national networks in every member state of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It takes a collaborative approach to conflict prevention and peacebuilding, working with civil society, governments, intergovernmental bodies and other partners to establish platforms for dialogue, experience sharing and learning. In 2002, it entered into a partnership with ECOWAS to implement a regional early warning and crisis response system.
What have been the main developments since Niger’s military coup?
The military coup of 26 July 2023 had economic, political and security consequences. Following the coup, ECOWAS imposed several economic sanctions on Niger. Sanctions include the suspension of all financial and commercial transactions between ECOWAS member states and Niger, the freezing of the assets of the military officers responsible for the coup, a travel ban on the military officers involved, the closure of land and air borders with Niger and the establishment of an exclusion zone for all commercial flights to and from Niger. The sanctions have weakened the country’s economy, leading to a rise in the price of basic foodstuffs.
There have been several important developments on the political front. On 27 September, the French ambassador left Niger, something that was celebrated as a patriotic victory. The junta also suspended the French media outlets France 24 and RFI and called for the departure of the 1,500 soldiers deployed at Niger’s three French bases. The resident coordinator of the United Nations system also left.
Since then, the junta has appointed Ali Mahamane Lamine Zeine as prime minister and called for a three-year transition period before civilians take over. Two new bodies have been set up to support the transition process: the Court of State and the Commission to Combat Economic, Financial and Fiscal Crime.
The junta also officially launched the Solidarity Fund for the Safeguard of the Homeland, tasked with mobilising resources to strengthen the capabilities of security forces engaged in the fight against terrorism and insecurity by providing them with weapons and logistical resources, particularly transport equipment. It is also responsible for the voluntary return, relocation and local reintegration of people forcibly displaced by insecurity.
At the end of November, Niger and Burkina Faso jointly withdrew from the Sahel G5, an institutional framework for coordinating regional cooperation on development and security policies in West Africa, founded in 2014 and including Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger. The decision followed a review of the organisation’s operations and its joint anti-jihadist force, which never managed to establish itself effectively on the ground.
In its place, Niger formed an alliance with Burkina Faso and Mali with the aim of countering any threat of armed rebellion or external aggression, stressing that ‘any attack against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of one or more contracting parties will be considered as aggression against the other parties’.
Also in November, the junta revised Niger’s immigration laws and repealed a law that criminalised the smuggling of migrants into the country. This decision was rejected by the European Union (EU), which feared that it would increase migratory flows to Europe.
What has been the impact of the end of the security agreements with the EU?
Geopolitically, Niger has distanced itself from its traditional partners, notably France, which was its main ally in what was described as the fight against terrorism in the Sahel.
Niger is seeking to cut its umbilical cord with the former colonial power. In the early hours of the coup, ECOWAS and France wanted to mobilise military forces from neighbouring countries against Niger.
On the same day that it denounced Niger’s common security and defence agreement with the EU, the government signed an agreement to strengthen military cooperation with Russia.
Niger has drawn closer to Russia with this agreement to strengthen military cooperation, and to China, which is offering investment in the infrastructure and mining sectors.
Is there any dialogue between the junta and the opposition to establish the conditions for the restoration of freedoms and a democratic transition?
For the time being, there are no clear signs of a diplomatic dialogue between the military junta and the deposed president Mohamed Bazoum or his supporters. It’s been promised that an inclusive dialogue will soon be organised including all the nation’s active forces to define the terms of a democratic transition.
But I find no evidence to be concerned about the preservation of civil liberties in Niger. Freedom of expression is essential for a democratic society, but if ‘fake news’ is used to destabilise political governance, it can be expected that restrictions will be imposed.
The process of democratic transition will encounter many obstacles. Challenges include corruption, insecurity, political polarisation, human rights abuses, border closures, trade paralysis, rising food prices and very high levels of poverty.
Public confidence in democratic institutions can be subject to variations, influenced by factors such as political stability, the transparency of electoral processes and the capacity of institutions to respond to the needs of the population.
What are the regional implications of the situation in Niger?
Niger is a strategic country for the security and development of the Sahel region, which faces violent armed groups and humanitarian crises. Niger is home to around 450,000 refugees and displaced people, mainly from Burkina Faso, Mali and Nigeria.
When it overthrew Bazoum and installed a junta, the military justified its action by citing the deteriorating security, economic and social situation, as well as accusations of corruption levelled against the Bazoum administration.
The international community strongly condemned the coup and called for the immediate restoration of constitutional order. The African Union, the EU and France, the USA and other countries suspended diplomatic relations with Niger and imposed economic sanctions on the military regime. They have also threatened military intervention if the military does not release political prisoners and respect human rights.
The people of Niger are not in favour of international military intervention. However, they have expressed concerns about the country’s security and stability. To help stabilise the situation, ECOWAS should lift the sanctions unjustly imposed on Niger.
Niger’s neighbours expressed their support for diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis by peaceful means and called for dialogue between all stakeholders to preserve stability. They also feared that the coup would encourage foreign influence in the region, particularly from China, Iran and Russia.
Civic space in Niger is rated ‘repressed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.
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The opinions expressed in this interview are those of the interviewee and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIVICUS.
