CIVICUS speaks with Shahindha Ismail, founder of the Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN), about the recent parliamentary election in Maldives, the implications of the country’s realignment with China and the impacts of the climate crisis.
The MDN is an independent civil society organisation founded in 2004 to protect and promote human rights and the values and principles of democracy in Maldives. It was arbitrarily deregistered by the government in 2019.
Why did the president’s party win the April parliamentary election?
President Mohamed Muizzu’s People’s National Congress (PNC) won the 21 April parliamentary election by a landslide. It claimed 66 out of 93 parliamentary seats, with the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), which had won by a similar margin in 2019, taking only 12 seats.
In Maldivian elections, political parties tend to focus their campaigns primarily on religious issues, and this election was no exception. So, what made the difference? Why did one party, the PNC, emerge victorious, and by such a big difference? In my view, the outcome stemmed from widespread disillusionment with the MDP, which had been in power for five years, and failed to meet its pledges.
Between 2018 and 2023, under President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, the MDP had a parliamentary supermajority. This initially instilled hope in people, who expected to see significant progress. The MDP government pledged ambitious reforms, including comprehensive justice reform initiatives, that had a lot of popular support. But promises proved hollow and the government came to be plagued by corruption and incompetence.
As disillusionment spread, people lost faith in the MDP. Many anticipated a win for the Muizzu administration. They recognised its flaws but felt they lacked other options. The prevailing feeling was of frustration, driven by a desire to avoid perpetuating corrupt governance, rather than genuine enthusiasm for the PNC’s agenda. Ultimately, the election’s outcome was not determined by campaign issues, pledges or expectations, but rather by resignation about the lack of viable alternatives.
Why has the government pivoted towards China, and what will be the impacts of this decision?
The current government is walking in the footsteps of the government of President Abdulla Yameen, in power between 2013 and 2018. During those years, Maldives strengthened its ties with China, drifting away from the west. President Yameen pivoted towards China, claiming to promote economic development, primarily through the Belt and Road Initiative, but also to bypass international scrutiny for his administration’s human rights abuses.
Despite expectations of policy changes under subsequent administrations, alignment with China persisted, disappointing civil society. While crucial from an international relations perspective, however, this geopolitical alignment probably seemed distant to many Maldivians focused on immediate concerns such as economic stability and access to services.
Maldives faces the challenge of maintaining a balance in positioning among major powers – China, India and the USA. The strategy of appeasing various stakeholders raises sustainability questions, particularly given the country’s ongoing struggles with inequality and access to justice. Amid these challenges, the immediate needs of Maldivian people should take precedence over broader geopolitical considerations.
How is climate change affecting Maldives, and what’s being done about it?
Climate change poses a grave threat to Maldives due to its low-lying geography. President Mohamed Nasheed, in power between 2008 and 2013, catalysed efforts to raise national awareness about climate change, an issue that previously had been largely overlooked.
While there’s been some civil society efforts, civil society groups in Maldives remain small, with limited capacity to drive change. Public awareness and education on climate issues are inadequate, so the public is ill prepared to engage meaningfully in climate policy discussions.
Enhanced education and advocacy efforts are crucial, given the lack of public resistance to environmentally harmful projects. Some civil society groups oppose such projects, but their voices are often sidelined.
It is key to recognise the interconnectedness of climate, human rights and good governance, and fortunately this is a rising trend. But challenges persist, including the prioritisation of infrastructure development over environmental conservation by successive governments. Despite pledges and legislation, projects often fail to deliver tangible benefits or don’t do so sustainably.
What international support does Maldivian civil society receive, and what support does it need?
The current government is increasingly seen as restrictive, and civil society is concerned about potential limitations and violence against human rights defenders, given our history of such incidents. International support for civil society is crucial. It is also crucial for activists and defenders forced into exile, who form support networks in safer locations but still face limitations.
Access to funding is a major challenge, with local opportunities scarce and reluctance from donors due to perceived political risks. While the Associations Act theoretically mandates state companies to allocate corporate social responsibility funds to civil society, implementation is lacking. External project-based funding remains the primary support, but it may not always align with urgent needs on the ground.
Donor priorities need re-evaluation, particularly in authoritarian contexts where civic space is constrained. Registration requirements may pose additional challenges, particularly in places where the threat of closure or expulsion is increasing.
Despite its small size, Maldives is part of the global community, and it’s crucial to recognise the work of its civil society organisations. Their efforts have implications beyond borders, notably in areas such as climate change. Acknowledging and supporting their endeavours can help advance universal human rights and address global challenges.
Civic space in Maldives is rated ‘obstructed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with the Maldivian Democracy Network through its website and follow @MDN_mv on Twitter.
