protest restrictions

  • Nearly 70 human rights groups condemn state violence in Eswatini

    To the Government of Eswatini and the international community:
  • Afghanistan: Assault on peaceful protests highlight deteriorating space for civic freedoms

    Global civil society alliance CIVICUS condemns the excessive use of force and arbitrary arrests by Taliban security forces as they crack down on protests in Afghanistan. Such actions highlight the deteriorating space for civic freedoms in the country and the need to ensure independent mechanisms to hold Taliban authorities accountable.
  • Bolivian government using law and force to cow civil society into silence

    Spanish

    CIVICUS speaks to Marco Antonio Gandarillas, Director of the Centre of Information and Documentation Bolivia (CEDIB), a human rights organisation founded in 1970 with the aim of providing information and consulting services with a critical eye on the social reality of Bolivia and Latin America. He speaks on the protests gripping the country in recent years, the response of state security forces and the dire situation of environmental activists.

    1. Since the beginning of 2017, there have been protests over water, mobilisations for and against the president’s re-election, violent protests against the coca Bill, and countless local protests. Are we seeing a peak in social mobilisation in Bolivia?
    Conflict is a part of this country’s political culture: as sociologist Fernando Calderón would put it, politics in Bolivia is “done in the streets”. We have government agencies and civil society organisations dedicated to counting social conflicts in Bolivia, because this is a country that is in permanent conflict.

    The current situation must be apprehended in historical perspective. When President Evo Morales attained power in 2006, it was initially a rather convulsive stage. Certain actors, notably centres of regional power, disputed power spaces with the state. Starting with the constitutional process in 2006-2008, disputes between regional power groups and the central state subsided, and some stability ensued. There were some violent incidents here and there, but generally speaking it was a phase of low levels of conflict that lasted several years.

    Around 2011 the situation changed again, with sustained increases in conflict, particularly fuelled by socio-economic factors. The turning point was the mobilisation of the indigenous peoples of TIPNIS (Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro-Secure), a highly biodiverse protected area. The people of TIPNIS mobilised to reject the construction of a highway that would cut through their territory. The conflict was particularly relevant because this was a sector that had been an ally of the government, and that by mobilising independently raised a national conflict with the state. They received numerous expressions of public support and this became one of the main topics of public debate.

    It should be noted that this process of de-alignment was important at the level of social leadership, but not so much at the grassroots level of indigenous organisations. Indigenous peoples actually live very far removed from conventional partisan politics and were not necessarily aligned with the government to begin with. In fact, many indigenous peoples – we are talking about more than thirty groups in the highlands, and about as many in the lowlands - never saw President Evo Morales as one of their own. President Morales represents the sector of the cocaleros, colonisers from the highlands who occupied the lowlands to grow coca in territories originally belonging to smaller and more vulnerable indigenous peoples. So there is actually not a single standpoint attributable to “the indigenous peoples”. Politically, indigenous organisations were a circumstantial ally of a government that at first advocated certain rights, promoted legal progress and proposed dialogue and social pacts. But the government also supported the expansion of agribusiness in the lowland territories of indigenous peoples, even allowing illegal activities such as coca cultivation for cocaine production.

    In short, since 2011, and more intensely on the eve of the latest presidential election (the third) that President Morales won in late 2014, we have had a number of conficts that is even higher than the number of conflicts that took place in 2003, a time of social upheaval leading to the fall and flight of then-President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada. Although larger in number, however, the nature of conflicts has also changed. At present, there is a great proliferation of disaggregated conflicts, many of which are accompanied by high levels of violence.

    2. How has the state reacted to the protests?
    It has become commonplace for conflicts to be contained by heavy police intervention, often resulting in fatalities. The security forces, and particularly the police, enjoy total impunity: no cases of deaths caused by repression have been truly probed, and perpetrators have never even been prosecuted.

    For instance, last year the conflict involving mining cooperatives resulted in seven deaths, six on the side of the miners plus a high authority – the deputy Interior Minister – who was lynched. There are detainees, but there is no evidence of legal proceedings complying with due process guarantees having been initiated against the material and intellectual authors of these crimes. Five of those people were killed by police-issued weapons, but perpetrators have not been identified.

    This increase in conflict levels is the result of growing social unrest, which has surprisingly not expressed itself at the polls. From President Morales’ 2014 solid victory – he was re-elected with about 60% of the vote – the government deduced that society supported their economic model, regardless of the fact that according to the available data, the main reason for most conflicts was socio-economic in nature, revolving around wages, land, natural resources, public services and the allocation of public funds.

    Therefore, as he was inaugurated for the third time, President Morales embraced the deepening of the government’s model as his main objective. This triggered new conflicts and worsened existing ones. I think this is at the basis of the high levels of violence that now characterise social conflict, along with the impunity with which repressive agencies act.

    3. Was the repression of protests accompanied by legal changes that may have fueled police violence and increased impunity?
    Legal changes have indeed also taken place, as part of a regional trend. Under pressure from the United States of America, all countries in the Southern Cone have introduced repressive reforms into their criminal codes, typifying various forms of social protest as criminal offences. An ambiguous figure that almost all countries incorporated was that of “fight against terrorism”.

    In Bolivia, the government soon realised that it could not control society solely through the co-optation of social leadership – what I call “clientelistic social control” – and therefore began to deploy a strategy of repressive social control. The new tools it used went beyond police repression: they included for instance smear campaigns and “public lynching” of dissenting voices by government authorities. Any sector, institution or leader who appears as overly critical is accused by the president of being right-wing, destabilising or promoting coups. This in turn justifies the adoption of further measures such as the physical seizure of organisations’ headquarters, which has often occurred. Many grassroots organisations that were independent from the government, including large indigenous organisations such as CIDOB (Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia) have been forcibly taken over by government-affiliated groups that had their legitimately elected authorities removed and replaced with activists from their own ranks or even with government officials. In general, they sought to make this look as if this had been the outcome of a confrontation between groups, when in fact the police intervened to remove legitimate leaders and replace them with impostors. A recent example of this was the attempted takeover of APDHB (Permanent Assembly of Human Rights of Bolivia) in February 2017.

    Once the government was engaged in media lynching, it was only natural for a conviction to develop regarding the need to regulate those situations in which protesting is not acceptable. Various laws – including the Investment Promotion Law and the Mining Law, both passed in 2014 –, along with a number of supreme decrees, for instance those about cooperatives, classified a variety of forms of legitimate social opposition as criminal offences, in many cases carrying prison sentences ranging from 4 to 8 years. I do not know of any specific case in which the Investment Law has been applied to someone for blocking a road; this legislation works rather as deterrence of mobilisation against state-promoted initiatives.

    4. Are there any specific issues or mobilised groups that are targeted with higher levels of violence?
    Mobilisations with a national ambition and involving political questioning of the government are most harshly repressed. Such was the case of the mobilisation by mining cooperatives. In the pre-electoral period in 2014, miners were promised many things that eventually found their way into a Mining Law (Law No. 535/2014) granting them unrestricted access to exploitation areas. Failure to comply with these provisions led to their mobilisation in 2016.

    At the same time, other sectors – particularly indigenous peoples – typically react when their territories and livelihoods are affected by extractive activities. 2011 was a turning point for them too. Until then, there were umbrella indigenous organisations at the regional and national levels. Since then, government action has focused on de-structuring indigenous organisation: most departmental, regional and national organisations have since been seized, or parallel organisations have been established. Indigenous communities’ capacity for national action against mining or hydrocarbon exploitation has therefore been greatly affected. These days, in the context of a large hydroelectric project north of La Paz, the government strategically avoids dealing with local actors, who are directly affected and therefore oppose the project, and deals instead with a regional leadership that no longer represents anybody but turns out to be their preferred political partner.

    In dozens of territories, still known as TCOs (tierras comunitarias de origen or “original community lands”), simultaneous processes of resistance are taking place against a number of extractive projects. But these resistances are taking place on a local scale that is often almost imperceptible to the media and public opinion.

    5. Have other fundamental civic space freedoms been affected?
    Restrictions have been introduced in all areas, but the freedom of association has been hit the worst. From 2011 onwards, the government has targeted not only the directly affected groups mobilised against extractive activities but also the organisations supporting them through research, advocacy and by shaping public opinion. Thus, many research centres and environmental, human rights and indigenous rights NGOs have become enemies to be defeated by the state. In addition to systematically smearing them in public, the government has passed legislation – notably Law No. 351 on Legal Personalities (2013) – in order to deplete the urban civil society that works in solidarity or campaigns on behalf of indigenous and other excluded groups. Law No. 351 replaces the entire previous legal framework of the Civil Code and requires civil society to align its objectives and activities with government policies. More than in the forcible shutting down of organisations, the new legal framework has resulted in “silent suicide”. In a context in which, since judicial authorities are now elected by popular vote, the judiciary has become subordinate to the executive and due process guarantees fail, civil society has felt intimidated. Many organisations have decided to either close their doors or change their goals and lower their profile so as not to disturb power. In so doing, civil society has lost strength and independence.

    Over the past few years, CEDIB has received countless inspections by various state agencies. Neither public offices nor private companies are subjected to the kind of controls that this small organisation has had to submit to. We have had audits of all kinds, including some that are blatantly illegal, as when we had to respond to a requirement to submit accounting documentation dating back more than twenty years, although the Commercial Code establishes an obligation to keep records going back just five years.

    However, CEDIB is a prestigious centre and has a certain specific weight. In fact, the state is one of the main users of our services and data. So our relationship with the state is complex and contradictory, as the authorities demand resources from us all the while wishing we were politically aligned with the government. This leads to some authorities, as the vice president did at some point, launching attacks against us, while at the same time others keep recognising that they need our information and advice. And in the eyes of society and even the media – including para-governmental outlets – we are still a serious and credible organisation whose existence is vital for democracy. That, in a way, is what has kept us going.

    6. How has civil society responded to the deterioration of its enabling environment?
    Unfortunately, historic NGO networks have not been able to curb authoritarian advances. Other governments in the past had tried to deprive civil society of its autonomy, but had failed to do so because NGO networks used to be stronger. Vis-à-vis our current government, however, civil society organisations have become weak and intimidated, partly because of the already mentioned administrative restrictions and reprisals used against them, and also as a result of reductions in development aid funding.

    Civil society has not just been attacked: it has also suffered divisions. In the face of reduced flows of international cooperation funds, many organisations were left without sources of external funding, which used to be prevalent in the sector, and therefore sought refuge in the state. Other organisations were co-opted not by means of state resources but by President Evo Morales’ developmentalist discourse, which accurately reflected their own ideals and trajectory. And for many others – I would say for the majority – what prevailed was the feeling of impotence vis-à-vis a government that proved itself capable of doing whatever they wanted with them, be it legally or extra-legally. In other words, fear prevailed given the credible threat of controls resulting in steep, impossible-to-pay fines and even in prison sentences for organisations’ staff.

    As a result, there is now a large set of NGOs that are actually para-governmental organisations and survive on contracts, consultancy work and other state resources. In addition, there are a number of NGOs that have been founded and are directed by high state authorities. All senior public officials, starting with President Evo Morales, manage NGOs that have been set up in order to run government programmes with international cooperation or public funds. It has been reported that, for instance, a foundation run by the president has its own television channel and handles large state advertising contracts.

    Still, along with three other organisations – the Permanent Assembly of Human Rights (APDHB), the Centre for Legal Studies and Social Research (CEJIS) and the Centre for Local Development Studies and Support (CEADL) – we did submit a petition to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in defence of the freedoms of associacion and expression as a negative ruling was issued by the Constitutional Court. But it was just the four of us, out of a very vast group of NGOs that did not come together in defence of these freedoms. Fear semed to be the common denominator among them all.

    7. Have you missed out on international solidarity as a result of Latin American and global progressives’ sympathies for President Evo Morales? In which ways could the international community support civil society in Bolivia?
    We are currently facing a transition scenario. President Morales can no longer run for re-election, and there are several crises underway. One of those crises has derived from the fall in commodities’ prices, which has had a major impact on this ultra-extractivist country that has placed all its bets on primary exports. In other words, we will have not just a change of government but also a change in the state, as a result of impending public spending restrictions. Politically, the upcoming transision must involve the recovery of infringed rights, which requires the repeal or reform of various pieces of legislation and the abandonment of intimidatory practices. It is necessary to ensure a favourable environment for the activities of civil society and journalists, to make public management transparent, and to build an agenda for the strengthening of civil society.

    At the international level, the critical phase was overcome years ago. There was a period in which it was outrightly condemned to criticise, or even relativise, the very optimistic view that prevailed abroad about what was going on in Bolivia. We were told that criticism amounted to “play into the hands of the right” and in favour or international power centres. That ended even before TIPNIS: in 2010, the Mother Earth Summit (World Peoples’ Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth) held in Cochabamba exposed major contradictions between what the government said abroad and what they did domestically: between its environmental discourse, on the one hand, and the expansion of extractivism and the advances of deforestation, on the other.

    Another, more recent turning point was the Indigenous Communication Summit in November 2016. The Bolivian government acted as convenor of this annual summit of movements, and then tried to control it, bypassing the entire indigenous leadership from other countries. They did this so clumsily that even the groups that came in most convinced that in Bolivia there was an indigenous intercultural revolution underway, came out disillusioned. The government attempted to control them in the same way it has done with Bolivian indigenous organisations - they even accused them of having come to Bolivia to conspire to organise a coup, which made no sense.

    In this context, the first thing we need from the international community is that they condemn the regression we have experienced in terms of fundamental rights. The legal framework established by Law No. 351 is rather suited to a dictatorship: a government requiring civil society to organise along its own objectives is completely unacceptable.

    Second, we need a rapprochement with the civil societies of the countries in our region. In recent times, regional mafias have mobilised across borders, and we need common standards in order to fight them. Not only governments but also civil societies need to have an agenda beyond our own country’s borders, that is, with an international projection – regional to start with, and then global as well.

    • The Centre of Information and Documentation Bolivia is one of Bolivia’s most prestigious and socially rooted civil society institutions. CEDIB administers one of the most important archives containing documents of major historical importance, and its research has great impact on public opinion.
    • Get in touch with CEDIB through their Facebook page or website, or follow @cedib_com on Twitter
    • Civic space in Bolivia is rated as ‘narrowed’ in the CIVICUS Monitor
     
  • Civil society calls on UN member states to address Israeli attacks against Palestinians

    Regional and international civil society organisations from around the world call on United Nations Member States to address the escalating and institutionalised Israeli attacks against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line during the 30th HRC Special Session

    Your Excellency, 

    Israel’s repression against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line escalated in May 2021 in response to widespread Palestinian demonstrations against Israel’s imminent threat of eviction and displacement of eight Palestinian families from their homes in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in Jerusalem. Notably, this is only the latest example of Israel’s institutionalized regime of racial domination and oppression, which the Palestinian people have endured for decades. While the international community has ensured Israel’s impunity since 1948, enabling Israel to continue to commit widespread and systematic human rights violations, Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line and refugees and exiles abroad continue to oppose and stand steadfast against 73 years of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid. 

    As Israel intensifies its crackdown on Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank, conducts military strikes against civilians in the Gaza Strip, which have been living under a comprehensive land, air, and sea closure for 14 years, and targets Palestinians inside the Green Line, the undersigned civil society organizations, from around the world, urge your delegation to  engage in the 30th Special Session by the UN Human Rights Council and  address all violations of human rights law and international humanitarian law, including the root causes of Israeli violations against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line.

    Since 13 April 2021, the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, the Israeli occupying forces (IOF) have systematically targeted and attacked Palestinians in Jerusalem. The attacks escalated when the occupation police targeted worshippers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound, with tear gas, sound bombs, and rubber-coated metal bullets, resulting in hundreds of injured Palestinians. The occupation police prevented paramedics from accessing the compound to treat the injured and even directly targeted emergency responders by firing tear gas and wastewater containers on volunteers, paramedics, and ambulances. In other parts of the West Bank, Israel has violently suppressed demonstrations calling for an end to Israeli oppression, including by shooting live ammunition at demonstrators, killing 14 Palestinians between 14 and 18 May 2021. According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health, between 7 and 19 May, 5164 Palestinians were injured, 578 with live ammunition. 

    These attacks come in the context of increasing Palestinian mobilization against Israel’s policies and practices of racial domination and oppression, in response to the imminent eviction of eight Palestinian families, totaling 19 households of around 87 individuals, from the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood in Jerusalem. The forcible transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem is a war crime and likely amounts to a crime against humanity as it is being perpetrated in a widespread and systematic manner. Principle 6 of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, prohibits arbitrary displacement, including “when it is based on policies of apartheid, ‘ethnic cleansing’ or similar practices aimed at/or resulting in altering the ethnic, religious or racial composition of the affected population.” All of these criteria are applicable to Israeli practices, policies and laws implemented with the intention of maintaining Jewish Israeli domination over the Palestinian people. 

    The Israeli police have also violently repressed Palestinian demonstrations inside the Green Line. Since 10 May 2021, thousands of Palestinian citizens of Israel came out to protest the evictions of Palestinian refugee families in Sheikh Jarrah, the use of extreme violence and attacks on worshippers and protestors by the police in Al-Aqsa Mosque and elsewhere, and the Israeli military attacks in Gaza. The Palestinian protestors were subjected to police violence and human rights violations, including denial of emergency medical care. High Commissioner Bachelet highlighted “reports of excessive and discriminatory use of force by police against Palestinian citizens of Israel”. Since 10 May, the  police have arrested 1097 Palestinians. 

    Moreover, Israeli settlers have intensified attacks against Palestinians living in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, with the support of the IOF. Inside the Green Line, far-right Jewish Israelis organized and coordinated the arrival of armed Israelis to attack Palestinians in al-Lydd, Ramle, Akka, Haifa, and Yafa, among other cities and areas. Moreover, the IOF has allowed Israeli settlers coming from the West Bank entry into Israel to target Palestinian neighborhoods and villages and provided support and protection as they attacked Palestinian residents and destroyed Palestinian property. In response, the Israeli police has not taken any action against and in some cases cooperated and supported the mob violence. High Commission Bachelet raised concern at “reports that Israeli police failed to intervene where Palestinian citizens of Israel were being violently attacked, and that social media is being used by ultraright-wing groups to rally people to bring ‘weapons, knives, clubs, knuckledusters to use against Palestinian citizens of Israel.” 

    In the Gaza Strip, the IOF continues to target civilian structures, in particular homes, wiping out whole families, and inflicting widespread destruction and collective punishment on the entire, trapped population. Since 10 May 2021, human rights organizations documented Israel’s use of disproportionate, indiscriminate, and unnecessary military force in violation of international law. Residential blocks are “being targeted pursuant to an apparent policy agreed by Israel's military and political leadership”. The number of residential buildings targeted now stands at 94, including six towers—three of which were completely destroyed—ultimately destroying 371 residential units. In addition, hundreds of private properties, as well as tens of governmental sites, schools, banks, and mosques have sustained significant damages. Israel’s airstrikes have also led to the large-scale destruction of power and water networks, as well as thousands of square meters of vital paved roads. 

    Israel’s extensive and systematic attacks on buildings, and the shelling of residential areas, especially those near the separation fence, force civilians—men, women, and children—to flee their homes in search of safety. Around 41,900 people have moved to 53 UNRWA schools, and the numbers are still increasing. Displaced people are experiencing appalling humanitarian conditions, especially when UNRWA schools have not officially been opened as shelters. 

    As of 2 pm on 17 May, 231 Palestinians, including 65 children and 39 women were killed; 1212 others have been injured in the attacks, including 277children and 204women. According to Israeli media, ten Israelis have been killed following rocket fire from Gaza. 

    It is again clear that civilians are paying the price of Israel’s pervasive impunity. Any firing of rockets or attacks must meet assessments of proportionality and the requirement for a concrete and direct military advantage. Indiscriminate attacks or targeting of civilians not taking a direct part in hostilities constitute a grave violation of international law. In order to protect all civilians, the Human Rights Council should address the root causes of Israel’s settler colonialism and apartheid to achieve lasting justice. 

    We call on your missions to:

     

    • Engage in the 30th UN Human Rights Council Special Session and address the escalating Israeli attacks against the Palestinian people, including the root causes of Israeli violations against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line.
    • Establish a commission of inquiry to:
    • Monitor, document and report on all violations of human rights and humanitarian law, including the escalating attacks against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line since April 2021;
    • Include and address the root causes of Israel’s institutionalized regime of racial domination and oppression over the Palestinian people in line with the 2019 Concluding Observations on Israel by the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) which highlighted Israeli policies and practices against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line are in violation of Article 3 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) pertaining to racial segregation and apartheid;
    • Identify individuals responsible for serious crimes; 
    • Collect and preserve evidence related to violations to be used for accountability in relevant judicial bodies and transfer evidence to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court.

    Endorsing organisations 

    1. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies 
    2. International Service for Human Rights 
    3. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) 
    4. International Women's Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW AP)
    5. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
    6. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS) 
    7. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights 
    8. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
    9. Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN)
    10. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) 
    11. Women League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
    12. Sexual Rights Initiative
    13. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
    14. 11.11.11 
    15. The Center for Reproductive Rights 
    16. Baytna 
    17. Bytes For All, Pakistan 
    18. Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign 
    19. Human Rights solidarity 
    20. Association des Universitaires pour le Respect du Droit International en Palestine (AURDIP) 
    21. European Legal Support Center 
    22. Just Peace Advocates/Mouvement Pour Une Paix Juste
    23. Collectif Judéo Arabe et Citoyen pour la Palestine
    24. The Niagara Movement for Justice in Palestine-Israel (NMJPI) 
    25. ICAHD Finland
    26. Association belgo-Palestinienne WB
    27. Viva Salud
    28.  Intal
    29. CNCD-11.11.11
    30. EuroMed Rights
    31. The Palestinian Human Rights Organization (PHRO) - Lebanon 
    32. Scottish Palestinian Forum
    33. Trócaire
    34. European Trade Union Network for Justice in Palestine (ETUN)
    35. Istituto Internazionale Maria Ausiliatrice (IIMA)
    36. UPJB (Union des Progressistes Juifs de Belgique)
    37. Akahatá
    38. Association France Palestine Solidarité (AFPS)
    39. Habitat International Coalition – Housing and Land Rights Network
    40. Canadian BDS Coalition
    41. ASGI - Association for juridical studies on immigration
    42. Network for Immigration, Development and Democracy (IDD)
    43. Aegis for Human Rights
    44. Geneva Bridge Association
    45. Association of Maghreb Workers in France
    46. Association for the Promotion of the Right to Difference
    47. El Na aura Association, Belgium
    48. Coordination for Maghreb Human rights Organizations (CMODH)
    49. SAM organization for Rights and Liberties
    50. Yemeni Observatory for Human Rights
    51. Dameer Foundation for Rights and Freedom
    52. INSAF Center for Defending Freedoms and Minorities
    53. Abductees’ Mothers Association
    54. Together We Raise (Social Association) 
    55. Watch for Human Rights 
    56. Mwatana for Human Rights 
    57. Hadramout Foundation For Legal Support and Training
    58. Yemeni Observatory of Mines
    59. Mwatana for Human Rights
    60. Social Peace Promotion and Legal Protection
    61. Al-Haq Foundation for Human Rights 
    62. Al-Rakeezeh Foundation for Relief and Development 
    63. Growth foundation for development & improvement
    64. Namaa Foundation for Development and Improvement 
    65. Lebanese Center for Human Rights
    66. Freedom of Thought and Expression
    67. Committee for Justice
    68. Belady Center for Rights and Freedoms
    69. Egyptian Front for Human Rights
    70. Egyptian Human Rights Forum
    71. The Freedom Initiative
    72. Arabic Network for Human Rights Information
    73. Centre for Egyptian Women Legal Assistance
    74. Libyan Center for Freedom of the Press
    75. February 17 Organization for Environment and Human Rights
    76. Shiraa Association to fight AIDS and drugs
    77. Thought Pioneers Organization Mattress
    78. Mattress Youth Organization
    79. Al-Tebyan Association for Human Rights Dirj
    80. Al-Massar Organization for Youth and Culture Dirj Branch
    81. Mediterranean Organization for Development and Humanitarian Relief
    82. International Arabic Organization for Women’s Rights
    83. Nass for Nass organization to support youth Misurata
    84. Defender Center for Human Rights
    85. Libyan Crimes Watch
    86. Libyan Organization for Legal Aid
    87. Human rights solidarity
    88. The Tunisian General Labor Union 
    89. The Committee for the Respect of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia
    90. The Tunisian Organization Against Torture
    91. The Tunisian Association for the Defense of Individual Liberties
    92. The Tunisian Association 23-10 for the Support of the Democratic Transition Process
    93. The National Observatory for the Defense of the Civic Character of the State
    94. The Tunisian Association for the Defense of Minorities
    95. Hassan Saadaoui Association for Democracy and Equality
    96. The National Union for Tunisian Journalists
    97. Vigilance for Democracy and Civic State       
    98. The Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights
    99. Democratic Association of Tunisians in France
    100. Association Aswat Nissa
    101. Tunisian Federation for Citizenship on both shores
    102. Tunisian Union for Citizenship Action
    103. Tunisian Center for Press Freedom
    104. EuroMaghreb Network: citizenship and culture
    105. Vigilance for Democracy in Tunisia (Belgium)
    106. Ga3 Kifkif Network
    107. Algerian Feminist Journal Foundation
    108. Tharwa N'Fadhma N'Soumeur organisation
    109. Action for Change and Democracy in Algeria (ACDA)
    110. Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADDH)
    111. Autonomous Union of Public Administration Personnel (SNAPAP)
    112. General Autonomous Confederation of Workers in Algeria (CGATA)
    113. Riposte Internationale
    114. Collective of the Families of the Disappeared in Algeria (CFDA)
    115. National Committee for the Release of Detainees (CNLD)
    116. SHOAA for Human Rights
    117. Association for the Defense of Human Rights in Morocco (ASDHOM)
    118. Organization for freedoms of Media and Expression
    119. Libyan Organization for Independent Media 
    120. Youth for Tawergha 
  • Continúa la persecución de los líderes de los movimientos de protesta rurales a medida que se profundiza la crisis en Nicaragua
    • Tres activistas ecologistas campesinos se encuentran detenidos y sufriendo malos tratos a la espera de juicio 
    • Un informe de las Naciones Unidas confirma que el gobierno sigue atacando a los líderes campesinos
    • Personal de Naciones Unidas ha sido expulsado de Nicaragua tras el informe realizado sobre las violaciones de los derechos de los manifestantes 
    • Más de 320 personas han muerto desde el inicio de la represión violenta de las protestas en abril
    • Grupos de derechos humanos instan a las autoridades a retirar todos los cargos y liberar a los líderes campesinos
  • Critical need to support right to protest, says new report

    Protest movements around the world are finding themselves on the frontlines of a global attack on democracy and human rights, according to a new report by CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance. In the face of acute restrictions on democratic dissent at the national level, there is worryingly little support for protest movements from international stakeholders, including other protest movements, foreign states, UN  bodies and international civil society organisations.   This study concludes that such support is important to uphold the international human rights framework, of which the right to peacefully express democratic dissent is a key component. 

    The report, Keeping up the Pressure: Enhancing the Sustainability of Protest Movements, explores factors that contribute to or undermine the sustainability of contemporary protest movements. The research examines these issues in three countries, Bahrain, Chile and Uganda, drawing from a series of surveys of and interviews with leaders of contemporary protest movements.

    “With formal spaces for participation closing across the globe, citizens are more likely to take to the streets to have their voices heard and press for change,” said Tor Hodenfield, Policy and Research Analyst at CIVICUS, and author of the report. “This study shows that the international community and national stakeholders must foster a safer and more enabling environment for people to engage in public protests.”

    Recent years have seen the world swept by new waves of citizen protest. In countries around the world, large numbers of people have marched, demonstrated, occupied and blockaded to call attention to governance failures, demand democracy, stand against autocracy, claim human rights and urge that their fundamental needs are met. While the triggers of protests vary, the new protest movements that have sprung to life in many parts of the globe in have much in common, including the imaginative and creative tactics they employ, their ability to connect local and immediate issues to larger and longer-term concerns, and their determination to sustain action over time.

    “Governments must recognise that protest movements play an essential role in shaping democratic life and addressing public concerns,” said Sebastián Vielmas, Chilean right to education activist, “We must forge broad alliances at home and abroad with international civil society and human rights bodies to ensure the sustainability of protest movements and enable the fundamental right to peaceful assembly.”

    This study concludes that such support is essential for enhancing the sustainability of national protest movements, across all three contexts. 

    Additional key findings include:

    •     The states covered by the research are failing to facilitate the right to peaceful assembly.
    •    The major ways in which states undermine the sustainability of protest movements are excessive use of force, arbitrary arrest of protesters and imposition of legal restrictions on the freedom of peaceful assembly.
    •    Civil society organisations at the national level need to play a larger role in mobilising support for protest movements through networking.
    •    The sustainability of protest movements would be enhanced if legal and extra-legal restrictions on the right to the freedom of assembly are removed or eased. 
    •    Protest movement leaders believe that they and their movements have capacity enhancement needs that are currently not being met.

    For more information, contact:

    CIVICUS Media 
     

    Tor Hodenfield 
    Policy & Advocacy Officer 

    Deborah Walter
    Communication Manager

    Editor’s Notes

    CIVICUS can organise interviews with research partners in Bahrain, Chile, and Uganda. 

    ###
  • CROATIA: ‘The longer this government remains in power, the weaker democracy and the rule of law become’

    Oriana Ivković NovokmetCIVICUS speaks about ongoing anti-government protests in Croatia with Oriana Ivković Novokmet, Executive Director of Gong.

    Gong is a think-do tank whose work focuses on promoting democratic processes and institutions and developing a democratic political culture in Croatia.

    What triggered recent protests?

    On 17 February, thousands of people took the streets of the capital, Zagreb, todemand early parliamentary elections. Organised by 11 left and liberal opposition parties, this massive anti-government demonstration was triggered by the appointment of former judge Ivan Turudić as the new state attorney amid media reports linking him to corruption. The opposition fears this appointment will further deteriorate the already compromised reputation of the Croatian judiciary.

    According to a report by one of the most influential Croatian newspapers, Jutarnji list, between 2016 and 2020,Turudić, then the president of the Zagreb County Court, exchanged messages with the then state secretary of the ministry of justice, accused in another corruption case. The messages clearly showed they had a romantic relationship. Opposition members argue that Turudić lied to the Parliamentary Committee for the Judiciary when questioned about the meetings they had, claiming their relationship was superficial.

    Additionally, President Zoran Milanović accused Turudić of meeting as president of the Zagreb County Court with Zdravko Mamić, a football manager sentenced for tax evasion and embezzlement who is currently a fugitive in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Mamić allegedly met with Turudić while a suspect and later when he was under investigation, as noted by the Security Intelligence Agency.

    In a context of increasing frustration with the government of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) party, which is plagued with corruption accusations, the February protests helped the opposition gain momentum. It subsequently announced plans to stage further protests in several major cities on 23 March.

    What’s the state of democracy and civic freedoms in Croatia?

    Turudić’s appointment was yet another example of Prime Minister Andrej Plenković’s habit of capturing independent institutions, which he’s done since reaching office. The longer the HDZ and Plenković remain in power, the weaker the rule of law and liberal democracy become. Plenković vowed to reform the HDZ but he has failed to change his party and also reversed progress made in upholding the rule of law in Croatia.

    Under Plenković, Croatia is drifting away from the principles it adopted on joining the European Union. During his two terms, institutions such as the Commission for the Prevention of Conflicts of Interest have been significantly weakened. The Commissioner for Information was appointed as a fig leaf so the justice minister could hide the real authors of theLaw on Constituencies, which redrew the boundaries of electoral districts to suit the ruling party. This key electoral law was crafted by the HDZ without involving experts, civil society or the opposition. Arbitrary district boundaries were traced on the basis of an unreliable voter registry. This move has undermined public trust in elections and could also result in an even lower voter turnout.

    Are protesters able to voice their demands freely?

    The government has imposed restrictions on protest rights, including by closing St Mark’s Square, home to key government institutions. Full access to the square is now restricted to government and parliamentary staff, and the area where people are allowed to protest is demarcated with fences. Recent demonstrations like the one on 17 February, however, have​​seen an expansion of the available space for protesters.

    Plenković reacted to these protests by accusing the opposition of being pro-Russian, despite the fact that its only reference to Russia was to mourn Alexei Navalny’s death. On its official Facebook page, the HDZ insulted the opposition and people who supported the protest by labelling them ‘backward leftists’, ‘rampant angry revolutionaries’, ‘Russophiles’, ‘Putinophiles’ and ‘destructive and anti-patriots’. Many members of the government also endorsed this hostile narrative. In this crucial electoral year, Gong’sanalysis revealed the use of numerous bots – automated programs that mimic human activity – supporting insults against the opposition on Facebook and attempting to manipulate citizens.

    Plenković has tried to silence the media and their sources by adding provisions to the Criminal Code to criminalise leaking of information during the non-public phase of criminal proceedings. The bill however triggered protests by journalists and in response the government amended it to clarify that leaks deemed to be ‘in the public interest’ wouldn’t be criminalised. What is or is not in the public interest will however be determined by judges and Turudić.

    What’s at stake in the 2024 elections?

    President Milanović shocked Croatia when he announced he would run in parliamentary elections, scheduled for 17 April, as the Social Democratic Party’s (SDP) prime ministerial candidate, entering the ring against Plenković. The Constitutional Court says Milanović can only run for prime minister if he resigns as head of state first. Milanović called them gangsters and continued the campaign with the slogan ‘The rivers of justice are coming’. The SDP’s support grew strongly in the polls, but it now has a furious rhetorical populist at its head, openly saying he will not respect the Constitutional Court.

    Campaigns will likely be plagued by offensive speech, contributing to the erosion of democratic values and the integrity of the electoral process. The HDZ is still by far the strongest party, but people are increasingly dissatisfied with the direction of the government and the constant corruption scandals. With Milanović’s entry into the race, the election result has become uncertain.

    What are the main challenges for civil society?

    Croatian civil society organisations (CSOs) operate in a context marked by a backsliding in liberal democracy, with attacks on activists, the media and independent experts, and challenges to the rule of law. Civic space has significantly contracted, and CSOs face administrative burdens, financial constraints, overwork and underpayment. As a result, many organisations are retreating from the public sphere, decreasing their engagement and doubting if they should continue to question thosein power.

    Moreover, changes in 2020 to theCouncil for Civil Society Development reduced the participation of CSOs in decision-making processes, undermining the legitimacy of the body and leading to the government outvoting CSOs and completely dominating law-drafting working groups. We have warned the public and the European Commission (EC) about token CSOs being used to shape anti-corruption laws. Instead of consulting widely with civil society, the government includes these CSOs that have been established to support its agenda rather than promote the public interest. 

    In this challenging environment, Gong is set on remaining an active democratic watchdog,using a range of strategies to achieve social impact and foster positive change. These include analysis, research, proposing democratic innovations, advocacy, education, networking and collaboration with diverse stakeholders, including the academic community, civil society, media, politicians, government institutions and society in general.

    A recent successful advocacy effort involved the EC unveiling new guidelines for the participation of its members in elections. This initiative was prompted by Gong’sreport on EC President Ursula Von Der Leyen’s involvement in a pre-election campaign video for the HDZ. Gong raised this issue with both the EC and the European Ombudsman during Croatia’s 2020 parliamentary election.

    For doing this work, we are constantly targeted with defamation campaigns by politicians, particularly those in power. This raises concerns for our safety and must immediately stop.

    Civic space in Croatia is rated ‘narrowed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

    Get in touch with Gong through itswebsite orInstagram page, and followGong andOriana Ivković Novokmet on Facebook, and@GONG_hr and@OrianaIN on Twitter.
  • Ecuador: Human rights at risk as protests are violently repressed

    The use of violence to restrict ongoing protests in Ecuador and the refusal of the government to heed the demands of the protesters further threatens fundamental freedoms, Global civil society alliance CIVICUS said today. 
  • Egypt: international community must take a stand and demand an end to human rights violations
    • More than 2000 people arrested after peaceful protests
    • Widespread arrests include people not related to the protests but perceived by the authorities to have taken part in any demonstrations dating back to 2011
    • Global civil society alliance condemns the harsh repression of protests in Egypt and calls for international pressure

    The ongoing crackdown on people in Egypt, large scale arrests and heightened security in Cairo and other major cities signal another low moment for human rights in Egypt, global civil society alliance CIVICUS said today. The Egyptian authorities have arrested more than 2000 people in a massive sweep that followed peaceful protests calling for an end to widespread corruption and condemning the actions of the government of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. On 26 September 2019, the Egyptian authorities deployed hundreds of military personnel across the country to pre-empt any planned anti-government protest, intimidate the population and force many to self-censor to avoid reprisals from the state. Many of those who have been arrested include representatives of civil society, academics, former politicians and others.  

    The recent crackdown and militarisation of cities across the country began during a rare protest on the weekend of 20 September when protesters expressed concerns over the government of President Sisi and condemned high levels of corruption. In response, security forces physically assaulted some protesters and used tear gas to disperse others, arrested thousands and detained them in different locations. The protests have been followed by a widespread crackdown on human rights defenders, members of the political opposition, activists and journalists—many of whom had not taken part in the protests at all and were instead arrested in raids on their homes. The Egyptian authorities embarked on a punitive campaign by using this protest to arrest many including those perceived to have been connected to protests in 2011.

    Many of those arrested have been ordered into pretrial detention and informed that they were under investigation for using social media to spread false news, aiding a terrorist group to achieve its objectives and for participating in unauthorised protests. Others remain forcibly disappeared today. Among those arrested is human rights defender and lawyer Mahienour el-Masry who was detained on 22 September 2019 as she exited the headquarters of the State Security Prosecution in Cairo where she represented some of the detained protesters. She was then interrogated by the Supreme State Security Prosecution (SSSP) on false allegations of spreading false news and aiding a terrorist group to achieve its objectives.

    More than five journalists have been arrested for sharing information and videos about the protests and the violent response by the police online. Families of those speaking from abroad to condemn the Sisi government have faced harassment and intimidation; for example, in the wake of videos recorded by Egyptian activist Wael Ghonim in which he criticised Sisi, Ghonim’s dentist brother Hazem was arrested and ordered into pretrial detention in retaliation.

    To pre-empt any further protests, some government officials threatened to decisively confront any attempts to “destabilise Egypt” and riot police, plain clothes security officials and other security personnel were deployed in major cities across Egypt.

    Over the last few years, President Sisi’s government has promulgated and amended laws that restrict the activities of civil society organisations and their ability to access funding, detained scores of human rights defenders and journalists and imposed travel bans on many. In its March 2019 submission to the UN Human Rights Council, CIVICUS and partners found that Egypt had not implemented any of the recommendations related to civic space. Instead, civic space in Egypt continues to deteriorate exponentially.

    Many civil society organisations have been forced to close down amidst this systemic crackdown on fundamental freedoms as the government has also imposed some of the worst restrictions on internet freedoms.

    “Amidst the ongoing human rights violations in Egypt exemplified by the forceful dispersal of peaceful protests and arrests of nearly 2,000 people, Egypt’s international partners and the United Nations Secretary General should call on him to put an end to all forms of restrictions on fundamental rights in Egypt,” said Dr. Nancy Okail, Executive Director of the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy.

    CIVICUS calls on the international community to exert pressure on President Sisi to call on his security forces to immediately release all those detained in relation to the recent protests, respect the rights of Egyptians to assemble and express themselves in a peaceful manner.

    -----

    Egypt is rated as closed by the CIVICUS Monitor, a participatory platform that rates and measures the state of civic freedoms in 196 countries. Earlier this month, CIVICUS and 15 human rights organisations wrote a letter to the United Nations Human Rights Council with a call to use the Universal Periodic Review of Egypt to address the unprecedented levels of repression.

    For more information, please contact:

    Masana Ndinga-Kanga

    MENA Advocacy Lead, CIVICUS

    Email: :

  • Egypt: Stop the onslaught against civil society

    The undersigned civil society organisations express our serious concern over the recent escalation of restrictions on civil society and the public vilification of human rights defenders in Egypt. We call on the Egyptian authorities to uphold their international obligations and ensure that civil society and human rights defenders can work in a safe and enabling environment without fear of reprisals.

    On 24 May 2017, President Abdel Fatah El Sisi signed a highly restrictive law that provides the government with extraordinary powers over NGOs and stifles the activities of civil society. The bill was approved by Parliament in November 2016 but was put on hold after an outcry by local and international civil society organisations to prevent the President from passing it into law. Law 70 of 2017 severely limits the functioning of civil society organisations and unduly restricts the rights to freedom of expression and association. It introduces hefty fines and prison terms for civil society groups who publish a study or a report without prior approval by the government or engage in activities that do not have a developmental or social focus. These new restrictions make it practically impossible for human rights organisations to carry out their work.

    The law provides unprecedented authority to government bodies to interfere in the day-to-day operations of civil society organisations, including their cooperation with any entities outside of Egypt. Worryingly, the law includes overly broad and vague provisions that could lead to its arbitrary application and targeting legitimate activities. Article 13 of the law broadly prohibits civil society organisations from conducting activities that could be deemed harmful to national security, public order, public morality, or public health. The law further violates the right to freedom of association and criminalises activities considered to be of a “political nature” as well as legislative reform work thereby impeding the important work of independent civil society groups in Egypt.

    In addition, the government has imposed unwarranted restrictions on the right to freedom of expression online and the ability of individuals to communicate freely and seek and receive information. On 25 May, the government blocked 21 websites and accused them of spreading “terrorism and extremism” and “publishing lies". The block was carried out without any legal process or judicial oversight. These websites include Mada Masr - one of the few independent news outlets that carries out investigative journalism.

    On 25 May 2017, more than 10 media outlets published articles and reports as part of a smear campaign against human rights defenders who had travelled to Rome a few days before to participate in a meeting with civil society representatives from other countries. The articles labelled the human rights defenders “traitors,” and urged the Egyptian intelligence service to try them on criminal charges upon their return. This smear campaign is intended to discredit and delegitimise the work of peaceful activists by tarnishing their reputation.

    Human rights defenders continue to be intimidated and harassed by the authorities. On 24 May, human rights activist and Director of the Egypt Programme for the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS), Mohamed Zaree, was released on bail of 30,000 EGP (1,650 USD) after being interrogated for several hours by a judge. He was accused of receiving foreign funding for CIHRS, together with other civil society organisations, and for using the funds to promote activities that the authorities perceive to be against national security. He was also accused of tarnishing the reputation of Egypt by preparing human rights reports for the United Nations Human Rights Council.

    Over the past few years, Egyptian authorities banned 24 human rights defenders and NGO staff from traveling abroad, and froze the assets of seven human rights organizations and 10 human rights defenders. These punitive measures have been implemented by an investigative judicial panel appointed to investigate the activities of human rights organizations.

    What is also clear from recent events in Egypt, is that the Egyptian state seems determined to close down the civic space of feminists and women human rights defenders (WHRDs) in particular. The stifling of the activism of Egyptian feminists and WHRDs such as Azza Soliman and Mozn Hassan who work on critical issues of violence against women, the closure of the El Nadeem center, and the travel ban against WHRD, Aida Seif el-Dawla, etc, are typical of the tools normally used against WHRDs under repressive governments.

    We urge the Egyptian authorities to repeal Law 70 of 2017, close the ongoing criminal investigation into the work of human rights groups and ensure a safe and enabling environment in which civil society organisations and human rights defenders can carry out their work without fear of reprisals.

    Signatories

    Andalus Institute for Tolerance and Anti Violence Studies
    Amnesty International
    Article 19
    Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression
    CIVICUS
    EuroMed Rights
    Front Line Defenders
    International Women’s Health Coalition
    Nazra For Feminist Studies
    MENA Women Human Rights Defenders Coalition
    Muslims for Progressive Values, Nederland
    The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy
    Transparency International
    Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition
  • Egypt: Uphold rights to free expression at environmental summit

    Arabic

    36 organisations urge Egyptian authorities to end crackdown on civil society organisations and peaceful protests for a successful COP27

    Egyptian authorities should ease their grip on civic space and uphold the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly to enable a successful climate summit, known as the COP27, in Egypt, 36 organisations said today.
  • Ethiopia: Stop violence against protesters and lift internet restrictions

    (Johannesburg 2 July 2020) CIVICUS calls on the authorities in Ethiopia to stop using violence to disperse ongoing protests and to lift internet restrictions that have been imposed across the country.

    At least 80 people have been killed since protesters started demonstrating against the brutal assassination of prominent musician Hachalu Hundessa on 29 June 2020. Hachalu, whose songs reflected the challenges of the Oromia people during anti-government protests from 2014 to 2018, was killed by unidentified gunmen in Addis Ababa.

    “The Ethiopian authorities have a long history of using brutal force to quell protests, and the ongoing repression of protesters has once again opened divisions and provoked violence among the different ethnic groups. The shutting down of the internet and arrest of prominent political figures bring back memories of the human rights violations perpetrated by previous governments. The authorities should lift restrictions on the internet and implement UN guidelines on managing protests to avoid a further escalation of violence,” said Paul Mulindwa, Advocacy and Campaigns Officer, CIVICUS.

    Background

    More than 80 people have been killed as protesters condemn the killing of popular musician Hachalu Hundessa. The Ethiopian government has failed to provide assurances that those responsible have been identified and will be brought to justice. The number of deaths may be higher as internet restrictions imposed by the authorities in cities affected by the violence make it impossible to obtain credible information on the extent of the unrest. Prominent political figures, including former political prisoner and journalist Eskinder Nega, have also been arrested. CIVICUS is concerned that the government’s violent response may intensify this volatile situation.

    For more information on civic space violations, visit the Ethiopia country page on theCIVICUS Monitor.

    To arrange an interview with CIVICUS or activists in Ethiopia please contact:

     |  
  • Global Assessment on Protest Rights 2022

    Protesters detained in over 90 countries from the past year finds new global report

    • Demonstrations in over 130 countries
    • Protest restrictions occurred in authoritarian states to mature democracies
    • The cost of living, pandemic restrictions, and corruption have been some of the common drivers

    From Iran to Italy, people have taken to the streets to demand political and social change. A range of restrictions face protesters and activists, finds a new global assessment by the CIVICUS Monitor, an online research platform that tracks fundamental freedoms in 197 countries and territories. The 2022 Global Assessment on Protest Rights, shows that violations to protest rights, as covered by international law, occur in over 75% of countries where protests have been recorded.

    The CIVICUS Monitor data shows that restrictions to freedom of peaceful assembly have occurred in at least 100 countries from October 2021-September 2022. The research documents a timeline of frequent violations that take place before, during and after protests. In numerous countries, restrictive laws or emergency regulations have been deployed to make it difficult for people to protest, including the need for permits and levying fees. Authorities have also used outright bans to prevent protests from happening, often using grounds such as disturbing public order, security concerns, or public health reasons.

    The detention of protesters is the most prevalent violation. Those exercising their fundamental freedoms have been detained in at least 92 countries over the past year. The detention periods can range from hours to indefinite. Peaceful protesters against the war in Ukraine, the solidarity for women’s rights in Iran and activists in Sri Lanka demanding a change of government, have all faced lengthy stays in detention.

    Excessive force has also been a recurring theme of this year’s protests. Demonstrators have been met with water-cannons, batons, tear-gas and other acts of brute-force in over 40% of the countries recording protests. Police violence at protests has been the most prevalent in the Americas and the Asia-Pacific.

    Most disturbing of all has been the unlawful killing of protesters, which has occurred in at least 24 countries. From Myanmar to the United States, protesters have died during protests. In too few of the countries, have independent investigations been conducted by the authorities and the perpetrators of the killings held accountable.

    “In most regions this year, the story on protest rights is bleak. At a time when civic rights are needed more than ever to hold governments accountable, the space to protest is being heavily restricted. We need governments to respect the right to peaceful assembly, investigate abuses by security forces and work closely with civil society moving forward to halt this downward spiral and push back against the authoritarian forces at work,” said Julieta Zurbrigg, Research Advisor, CIVICUS Monitor.

    ABOUT
    Over twenty organisations collaborate on the CIVICUS Monitor, an online platform, which tracks restrictions to civic freedoms across the globe. The research coalition tracks a total of 33 different restrictions related to freedom of association, freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly. The data also provides the basis for national civic space ratings, countries can be categorised as either closed, repressed, obstructed, narrowed or open.

    READ REPORT

     
  • Global rights group condemns violent repression of peaceful protests in eSwatini (formerly Swaziland)
    • Global civil society alliance condemns ongoing violations of freedom of assembly
    • At least two protesters shot, several injured in police attacks on marches
    • Hundreds of thousands of workers staged three days of protests
    • Violent police action against peaceful protests comes on eve of controversial elections

    Global human rights groups have condemned the violent repression of peaceful protests in eSwatini (formerly Swaziland) as part of a long-running pattern of fundamental rights violations in the southern African kingdom.

    At least two protesters were shot on Wednesday and several reported injured after police attacked demonstrations by workers, who were protesting the autocracy of King Mswati III, ruler of sub-Saharan Africa’s last remaining absolute monarchy, and calling for improved wages and better working conditions. The workers were among hundreds of thousands of others who responded to a call by the Trade Union Congress of Swaziland (TUCOSWA) to stage three days of peaceful protests, beginning on September 18, in the cities of Manzini, Mbabane, Siteki and Nhlangano.

     The latest incidents in ongoing restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression have come just ahead of today’s highly controversial parliamentary elections. More than 500,000 registered voters are expected to cast ballots for representatives of the legislature – an institution under the firm control of the King. The elections will be held without the participation of political parties, which are banned in Swaziland. 

    Global civil society alliance, CIVICUS, said the brutal police action against protesters violated constitutionally-protected rights to freedom of assembly and highlights the continued actions by the authorities to repress fundamental rights in Africa’s last remaining absolute monarchy.

    “Swazis are unable to participate in political processes and with the tight controls exerted by the authorities over the media, constitutionally-guaranteed peaceful protests remain the only means through which they can raise concerns about issues affecting them,” said David Kode, CIVICUS Campaigns and Advocacy Lead.

    “By using violence against those who exercise this right, the authorities are revealing the true extent of the brutality of the regime,” Kode said.

    The current wave of repression of protesters is the latest in a trend observed since the start of the year to curtail the only means available to citizens to inform the government about issues affecting them. On June 29 for example, the police used brute force to disperse protesting workers as they made their way to deliver a petition to the Deputy Prime Minister’s office, calling for an introduction of a minimum wage and an end to the abuse of small-scale sugarcane workers. Four protesters were injured and hospitalised and one was detained and released after a while. 

    On September 8, police used force to repress demonstrations led by nurses to  express concerns over healthcare cuts and medicine shortages. The protesting healthcare workers were blocked as they tried to deliver a petition to government officials.  Violence was also used against hundreds of trade union members demonstrating against the King’s misuse of the state pension fund.

    King Mswati III unilaterally changed the country’s name from Swaziland to eSwatini in April, to celebrate the 50th anniversary of independence from Britain.

    CIVICUS calls on the authorities to respect the rights of citizens to assemble peacefully and hold to account security forces who targeted peaceful protesters. 

    The CIVICUS Monitor, an online platform that tracks threats to civil society in countries around the world, rates the space for civil society in Swaziland as ‘repressed’.   

    For more information, please contact:

    David Kode
  • Guinea: Release human rights defenders and lift restrictions on freedom of assembly

    The use of violence and the killing of demonstrators to disperse ongoing protests in Guinea entrenches impunity and is a major setback for the fragile transition, global civil society alliance CIVICUS said today. Human rights groups reportthat at least five people were killed and several injured as the armed forces in Guinea used violence to disperse protesters on 28 and 29 July 2022. 
  • Joint Statement: Dozens killed in Nicaragua by state repression of protests

    Spanish

    We hereby condemn the violent repression of the demonstrations held in Nicaragua against the Social Security reforms, and we demand respect for the legitimate right to protest of Nicaraguan women and men

    Daniel Ortega, President of the Republic of Nicaragua.

    Rosario Murillo, Vice President of the Republic of Nicaragua.

    We, 323 undersigned national, diverse regional and international organizations and networks, hereby condemn the violent repression of the demonstrations held in Nicaragua against the Social Security reforms, and we demand respect for the legitimate right to protest of Nicaraguan women and men.

    Since Wednesday the 18th April, organizations, networks and human rights defenders in Nicaragua have been documenting and denouncing multiple violations of the right to hold peaceful protests, that include: murders, disappearances, arbitrary detentions, physical aggressions; the use of stones, sticks, rubber bullets, and tear gas; threats, acts of intimidation and the infringement of the right to information; in the context of the demonstrations that were organised in response to the Government’s imposition of the Social Security reforms that involve cuts of 5% in pensions, as well as other measures that affect the fundamental rights of Nicaraguan women and men.

    As has been verified, these attacks are being perpetrated by State security forces that repress the population with excessive use of force, and by groups of civilians linked to the Juventud Sandinista (Sandinista Youth Movement) who are acting with total impunity, and with the complicity and consent of the police, causing outbreaks of violence that have already claimed the lives of at least 40 people.1

    Another matter of grave concern are the violations of the right to freedom of expression, manifested in the theft of journalists' professional equipment, assaults and acts of intimidation during repressive actions and the shutting down of the transmission, through digital cable service, of 100% Noticias, channel 12 and channel 23 that were covering the protests.

    These attacks violate the right to freedom of assembly and to peaceful association, the right to freedom of opinion and expression of the Nicaraguan people, and their right to defend the social rights that are threatened by the Social Security reforms that the Government seeks to impose.

    This situation is not an isolated case; in recent times, numerous acts have been documented that infringe the right to social protest - by restricting people’s freedom of movement, through campaigns of criminalization, threats and harassment against organizations and human rights’ defenders, or through the closure of communication spaces, and many other actions that threaten democracy and the human rights of Nicaraguan women and men.

    In the light of the above, we, the organizations and individual signatories to this letter, demand the following actions from the Nicaraguan State:

    • The immediate cease of repression and violence carried out by armed forces, the police and groups of civilians linked to the government. The authorities must fulfil their duty to guarantee Nicaraguan women’s and men’s right to social protest
    • The release of detainees in different parts of the country. Guarantees must be provided that no criminal action will be taken against them.
    • An inclusive national dialogue process, securing the participation and involvement of different sectors that have movilized, victims, networks and civil society organizations, as well as representatives from diverse social movements
    • Respect for the work carried out by human rights defenders, journalists and the media.

    Sincerely yours,

    1. Abogadas y Abogados para la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos

    2. Abriendo Camino A.C.

    3. Académicas en Acción Critica

    4. Acción Solidaria

    5. ACCSI Acción Ciudadana Contra el SIDA

    6. Agrupación Ciudadana por la Despenalización del aborto - El Salvador

    7. AIETI Asociacion de Investigación y Especialización sobrecTemas Iberoamericanos

    8. Aireana, grupo por los derechos de las lesbianas. Asunción. PARAGUAY

    9. Akahata A.C.

    10. Alianza Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Juventudes

    11. Alianza Regional por la Libre Expresión e Información

    12. American Jewish World Service

    13. Americas Program, Center for International Policy

    14. Amigas en Consejos de Desarrollo AMICODE

    15. AMUMRA - Asociación Civil de Derechos Humanos Mujeres Unidas Migrantes y Refugiadas en Argentina

    16. ANC- Peru

    17. Andrea Kraybill Art

    18. APADEIM

    19. APRODEH

    20. Arte para Sanar

    21. Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras

    22. Asamblea Feminista de Madrid

    23. Asistencia Legal por Derechos Humanos A.C.

    24. Asociación Andaluza por la Solidaridad y la Paz (ASPA)

    25. Asociación Bolivarianos Diversos

    26. Asociación Cepres

    27. Asociación Ciudadana ACCEDER

    28. Asociación Ciudadana por los Derechos Humanos de Argentina

    29. Asociacion Civil De Mujeres Resilientes

    30. Asociación Civil Magdalenas Puerto Madryn

    31. Asociacion de Mujeres Salvadoreñas en Accion del Barrio San Jacinto AMSAB-SJ

    32. Asociación de jóvenes feministas Ameyalli, El Salvador

    33. Asociación Educativa Barbiana

    34. Asociación Entre Amigos LGBTI de El Salvador

    35. Asociación Interamericana para la Defensa del Ambiente, AIDA (Regional)

    36. Asociacion Interpueblos-Cantabria-España

    37. Asociación para una sociedad más justa

    38. Asociación para una vida mejor (Apuvimeh)

    39. Asociación Paz y Esperanza

    40. ASOCIACIÓN PRO DEFENSA DE LA CUENCA DEL RÍO JUAN DÍAZ

    41. Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos de España

    42. Associação brasileira de defesa da mulher da infância e da juventude

    43. ATTAC Roanne

    44. AvanzaFem AC

    45. Balance Promoción para el Desarrollo y Juventud, México

    46. Beso Diverso

    47. Bilboko Bilgune Feminista

    48. BILGUNE FEMINISTA (Euskal Herria-Pais Vasco)

    49. Bordamos Feminicidios (México)

    50. Both ENDS

    51. Brigada UNE

    52. Calala Fondo de Mujeres

    53. Campaña 28 de Septiembre - Guatemala

    54. Campaña Convención DSYDR Peru

    55. Campo A.C.

    56. Canas Dignas

    57. Capital Humano y Social Alternativo - CHS Alternativo

    58. CASACIDN

    59. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir - España

    60. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir – México

    61. CENDEROS

    62. Centro de Acción y Defensa por los Derechos Humanos - Cadef

    63. Centro de análisis, formación e iniciativa social, CAFIS A.C.

    64. Centro de Derechos de Mujeres CDM

    65. Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Montaña Tlachinollan

    66. Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Católica Andrés Bello (CDH-UCAB)

    67. Centro de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Metropolitana (CDH-UNIMET)

    68. Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Francisco de Vitoria OP, A.C. (México)

    69. Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Matías de Córdova (Chiapas, México)

    70. Centro de Documentación en Derechos Humanos "Segundo Montes Mozo S.J." (CSMM)

    71. Centro de Estudios e Investigación sobre Mujeres

    72. CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS HUMANISTAS - Costa Rica

    73. Centro de estudios y capacitación familiar. Cefa

    74. Centro de Iniciativas para la Cooperación Batá (CIC Batá)

    75. Centro de Investigación para la Prevención de la Violencia en Centroamérica – CIPREVICA

    76. Centro de Investigaciones para la Equidad Política Pública y Desarrollo, CIPE.

    77. Centro de Sanación, Formación e Investigación Transpersonal Q'anil

    78. Centro Documentación e Información Bolivia-CEDIB-

    79. Centro Hermanas Mirabal de Derechos Humanos A.C.

    80. Centro Para el Desarrollo Integral de la Mujer

    81. Centro para la Paz y los DDHH de la Universidad Central de Venezuela

    82. Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional (CEJIL)

    83. Cepaz - Centro de Justicia y Paz

    84. CEPROSAF

    85. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation

    86. Civilis Derechos Humanos

    87. CLADEM ARGENTINA (Comité de América Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de las Mujeres)

    88. CLADEM Bolivia

    89. Cladem Nicaragua

    90. Coalicion Todas

    91. Codhez

    92. Codice, Jalisco

    93. Colectiva Actoras de Cambio

    94. Colectiva Amorales

    95. Colectiva Ciudad y Género AC

    96. Colectiva con Letra F (México)

    97. Colectiva Chancha Negra

    98. Colectiva de Mujeres de Masaya

    99. Colectiva Femimista

    100. Colectiva Sororidad Glocal

    101. Colectivas lesbicas

    102. Colectivo de Abogados "José Alvear Restrepo" (Ccajar), Colombia

    103. Colectivo de Mujeres de Matagalpa Nicaragua

    104. Colectivo de Mujeres Sobrevivientes Siempre Resistentes – Chile

    105. Colectivo de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores Sociales de Honduras (CTS-H)

    106. Colectivo de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de Honduras

    107. Colectivo Estudiantil Pro Derechos Humanos del Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas

    108. Colectivo Josefa Lastiri

    109. Colectivo para la Participación de la Infancia y Juventud

    110. Colectivo PSG

    111. Colectivo Trans del Uruguay

    112. Colectivo Utopía Puebla

    113. Collectif Guatemala

    114. Comisión de Derechos Humanos de Ica

    115. Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos del Estado Monagas de la Federación de Colegios de Abogados de Venezuela

    116. Comité Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida (Colombia).

    117. Comité de América Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de las Mujeres (CLADEM)

    118. Comité de America Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres (CLADEM- Mexico)

    119. Comité por los derechos humanos en América latina (CDHAL)

    120. Comunidad de familiares y amigos por los Derechos Humanos de la Diversidad Sexual COFADHIS

    121.Comunidad Xinka

    122.Concertación Interamericana de Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres

    123.Consejo de Mujeres Cristianas

    124. Consejo tiyat tlali

    125. Consorcio para el Diálogo Parlamentario MX

    126. Consorcio para el Diálogo Parlamentario y la Equidad Oaxaca AC

    127. ControlaTuGobierno, A.C.

    128. CONVERGENCIA DE LAS CULTURAS - Costa Rica

    129. Convite A.C.

    130. Cooperacció

    131. Coordinación de Mujeres del Paraguay

    132. Coordinadora 28 de Mayo - Guatemala

    133. Coordinadora Estatal de Organizaciones Feministas

    134. Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos - Perú

    135. Coordinadora Norte Tierra y Libertad - Costa Rica

    136. Córdoba Solidaria

    137. Count Me In! Consortium

    138. Cuerpas Creando Comunidad

    139. Cuerpas Sin Reglas

    140. CuidaTuEspcio 

    141. Defiende Venezuela

    142. Derechos Humanos

    143. Ditsö- Costa Rica

    144. Ecologistas en Acción (España)

    145. Elige Red de Jóvenes por los Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos AC

    146. Ellas por la igualdad AC

    147. Epistemologías del Sur: Red de pensamiento crítico, respecto de los derechos humanos, la dinámica educativa y el territorio

    148. Equidad de Género, Ciudadanía, Trabajo y Familia

    149. Equipo de Reflexión, Investigación y Comunicación de la Compañía de Jesús en Honduras

    150. Escritorio Juridico Gutierrez Ceballos

    151. Espacio DESCA

    152. Espacio Público - Venezuela

    153. Espiral hacia la Igualdad

    154. Estancia del Migrante González y Martínez, A.C. (Querétaro, México)

    155. Estudiantes por una Política Sensata de Drogas, Costa Rica.

    156. EXCUBITUS derechos humanos en educacion.

    157. Existir al caminar A.C.

    158. Feministas en Marcha - Puerto Rico

    159. Feministas Independientes

    160. FIA capitulo Venezuela Seccional Anzoategui

    161. Fondo Apthapi Jopueti Bolivia

    162. Fondo CAMY

    163. Fondo de Acción Urgente para América Latina y el Caribe FAU-AL

    164. FONDO LUNARIA MUJER COLOMBIA

    165. Foro de Jóvenes con Liderazgo AC

    166. Free Press Unlimited

    167. FRENTE COOPERATIVO Y DE ECONOMÍA SOCIAL - Costa Rica

    168. Frente por los Derechos Igualitarios

    169. FRIDA | The Young Feminist Fund

    170. FRONT LINE DEFENDERS

    171. Fronteras

    172. FUNBIDE

    173. Fundación Acceso

    174. Fundación Arcoiris por el respeto a la diversidad sexual.

    175. Fundación CAUCE, Cultura Ambiental - Causa Ecologista. Paraná. Argentina

    176. Fundación Colectivo Hombres XX, A. C.

    177.  Fundacion PANIAMOR

    178.  Fundación para el Debido Proceso (DPLF)

    179. Fundacion para el Desarrollo Comunitario-FUNDECOM

    180. Fundación para el Desarrollo de la Libertad Ciudadana

    181. Fundación salvadoreña por la diversidad sexual de la Mano Contigo

    182. FUNDECOM

    183. Global Fund for Women

    184. Grupo de Accion Comunitaria. Madrid. Estado Español

    185. Grupo de Educación Popular con Mujeres A.C.

    186. Grupo Visión Nocturna Uruguay

    187. Guatemala citizen

    188. Guatemaltecas por la Defensa del Estado Laico (GDEL)

    189.Hivos

    190. Iacta Sociojuridica SCCLP

    191.ILGALAC

    192. IMDEC AC

    193. INCIDIR, A.C.

    194. Ingeniería Sin Fronteras Aragón

    195. Iniciativas de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo

    196. Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights

    197. Instituto Caribeño de Derechos Humanos (ICADH)

    198. Instituto de Enseñanza para el Desarrollo Sostenible

    199. Instituto Sur Andino de Investigación y Acción Solidaria-ISAIAS

    200. IRC WASH

    201. JAKILU

    202. JASS-JUST ASSOCIATES/ASOCIADAS POR LO JUSTO

    203. Jóvenes Voceras y Voceros en DSDR, El Salvador.

    204. Juntos por la Vida

    205. Justice and Peace Netherlands 206.Kallpachay Suyu. Ambiente y cultura.

    207. Kentucky Interfaith Taskforce on Latin America and the Caribbean

    208. La Cabaretiza AC

    209. La Casa Mandarina AC

    210. LA COMUNIDAD PARA EL DESARROLLO HUMANO - Costa Rica

    211. Laboratorio de la Máscara

    212. Las Reinas Chulas cabaret y derechos humanos A.C.

    213.Lesbocolectivo las Resueltas

    214. LeSVOZ, AC

    215. Los siempre sospechosos de todo

    216. Mama Cash

    217. Maquila Solidarity Network

    218. MARCHA CENTROAMERICANA POR LA PAZ Y LA NO VIOLENCIA

    219. Margens Clínicas - São Paulo/ Brasil

    220. Marxa Mundial de Dones

    221. Memoria de mujeres

    222. Momundh

    223. Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres de Nicaragua

    224. Movimiento de Mujeres de Chinandega

    225. Movimiento de Mujeres de Santo Tomás

    226. Movimiento de Mujeres Visitación Padilla

    227. Movimiento Migrante Mesoamericano

    228. Movimiento Vinotinto

    229. Mujer Ideas Desarrollo e Investigación

    230. Mujer y salud en Uruguay MYSU

    231. Mujeres Ambientalistas, El Salvador.

    232. Mujeres de Izabal

    233. Mujeres de Negro Rosario – Argentina

    234. Mujeres Integradas en el Oeste de Rosario Argentina

    235.Mujeres Trabajadoras Unidas, A.C

    236. MUNDO SIN GUERRAS Y SIN VIOLENCIA - Costa Rica

    237. Ni Una Menos

    238. NIMD

    239. Observatorio Etico Caribe y América Central – Obetica

    240. Observatorio Ético Internacional – OBETI

    241. Observatorio Venezolano de Conflictividad Social (OVCS)

    242. ODASA

    243. OFICINA JURIDICA PARA LA MUJER

    244. OMCT - Organización Mundial Contra la Tortura

    245. Organización de Mujeres Tierra Viva

    246. OTRANS ARGENTINA

    247. Otros Mundos A.C./Amigos de la Tierra México

    248. Paro Internaciónal se Mujeres, Polonia

    249. Partido Feminista de España

    250. PARTIDO HUMANISTA - Costa Rica

    251. Perifèries del Món

    252. Pikara Magazine (País Vasco-España)

    253. Plataforma Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Democracia y Desarrollo PIDHDD

    254. Plataforma Internacional contra la Impunidad

    255. Plataforma Salvadoreña de juventudes

    256. Plazandreok

    257. Please remove signature of Kentucky Interfaith Taskforce

    258. Presencia y Palabra: Mujeres Afroperuanas

    259. Pro-Búsqueda

    260. Profesionales católicos - Piura - Perú

    261. Proiuris

    262. PROMEDEHUM (Venezuela)

    263. Radio Stereo Vos

    264.Radioexpresion

    265. Reacción Climática - Bolivia

    266. Red Con Las Amigas Y En La Casa

    267. Red de Activistas Ciudadanos por los DDHH

    268. Red de Ambientalistas Comunitarios de El Salvador RACDES

    269. Red de la No Violencia contra las Mujeres - REDNOVI

    270. Red de mujeres contra la violencia

    271. Red de salud de las Mujeres Latinoamericanas y del Caribe

    272. Red Internacional de Migración y Desarrollo

    273. Red Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Jóvenes por los Derechos Sexuales RedLAC

    274. Red Nacional Coincidir

    275. Red Nacional de Defensoras de Derechos Humanos en Honduras

    276. Red Para la Infancia y la Adolescencia de El Salvador (RIA)

    277. Red Solidaria de Derechos Humanos A.C. (Michoacán, México)

    278. REDLAMYC Red latinoamericana y caribeña que lucha por los derechos de niñas niños y adolescentes

    279. REDMUCH

    280. Refugee and Immigrant Fund (RIF)

    281. Resonar

    282. RESURJ Realizando la Justicia Sexual

    283. Revista SIC del Centro Gumilla

    284. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights

    285. Roma National Center from Moldova

    286. Schone Kleren Campagne

    287. Schumacher College

    288. Sector de Mujeres

    289. Seguridad en Democracia (SEDEM)

    290. Semillas de Nuestra Tierra, AC

    291. Sol de primavera

    292. Sombrilla Costa Rica

    293. SOS Corpo- Instituto Feminista para a Democracia - Recife/ Pernambuco -Brasil

    294. Spatium Libertas AC

    295. SPW

    296. St Williams church

    297. Stichting Lleca (Holanda)

    298. Strajk Kobiet Polonia

    299. SURKUNA - Centro de apoyo y protección de derechos humanos

    300. Sursiendo, Comunicación y Cultura Digital AC

    301. Swefor Guatemala

    302. Tequio jurídico

    303. Todas Mx

    304. Trabajadora del retail

    305. Transparencia Venezuela

    306. Uganda Youth Alliance For Family Planning And Adolescents Health -UYAFPAH

    307. Unidad de Protección a Defensoras y Defensores de Derechos Humanos - Guatemala (UDEFEGUA)

    308. Unidas Somos Tendencia

    309. Union global por la democracia

    310. Unión Latinoamericana de Mujeres ULAM

    311. Unitierra

    312. Universidad de la Tierra en Puebla

    313. Urgent Action Fund- Latin America and the Caribbean

    314. UXU EMAKUMEEN TALDEA

    315. Vecinas Feministas por la Justicia Sexual y Reproductiva en América Latina y el Caribe

    316. Voces de mujeres, historias que transforman

    317. Voces Mesoamericanas, Acción con Pueblos Migrantes A.C.

    318. WECF International

    319. Witness for Peace

    320. WO=MEN Dutch Gender Platform

    321. WOLA (Washington Office on Latin America)

    322. Women Advocacy and Development Initiative (WADI)

    323. Women Strike Polonia

    1 Source: Nicaraguan Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders (IN-Defensoras)
  • Les manifestants se transforment en milliers de personnes qui battent la fermeture d'Internet

    Read the interview in English 

    CIVICUS parle avec KEPOMEY Koffi Dela Franck de l'organisation non gouvernementale Concertation Nationale de la Société Civile au Togo des récentes manifestations dans le pays sur les limites du mandat présidentiel.

    Q : L’accès à l’internet et aux réseaux sociaux était restreint au Togo entre le 5 et 12 Septembre. Est-ce que vous pourriez donner plus d’information sur les raisons de cette action ?

    Effectivement l'accès à internet et aux réseaux sociaux a été restreint au Togo à cette période. La raison évoquée par le parti au pouvoir est une panne technique. Ce qui n'est pas vrai. La restriction est faite juste pour que l'opposition et les citoyens ne puissent pas utiliser les réseaux sociaux pour informer l'opinion internationale de la situation au Togo (grande manifestation de l'opposition et répression des forces de sécurité à partir de 22 heures). Sources proches du parti au pouvoir indiquent qu’ils l’ont fait pour prévenir que les gens diffusent des images qui incitent à la violence.

    Cette décision viole l'article10 de la résolution NA/HCR/RES/32/13 du 1 juillet 2016 adopté par le conseil des droits humains des nations unies sur la promotion, la protection et l'exercice des droits humains sur internet.

    Q. Quel était l’impact de cette restriction ?

    Cette restriction n'a pas été sans impacts négatifs sur l'économie et la vie sociale du pays. Les activités de plusieurs opérateurs économiques sont restreintes et aussi la population est privée d'information.

    Q. Le samedi 19 août 2017 des manifestants ont été tuées lors d’une manifestation menée par l’opposition. Est-ce que vous pourriez donner plus d’information de ce qui s’est passé ce jour?

    Le samedi 19 août 2017, le Parti National Panafricain, PNP, a organisé à Lome et dans certaines localités du pays (Anié, Sokodé, Bafilo, Kara) une marche pour dénoncer le retour à la constitution de 1992 et réclamer le droit de vote de la population de la diaspora.

    Au cours de cette manifestation il y’a eu plusieurs morts (2 selon des sources officielles et 7 selon les organisateurs) et de nombreux blessés. En même temps 66 personnes ont été arrêtées.

    Q. Savez-vous pourquoi la police a réagi avec cette violence contre les manifestants?

    Les organisateurs et le pouvoir n’ont pas pu s’entendre sur les itinéraires de la manifestation. Le jeudi 17 août 2017, les ministres de l’administration territoriale et de la sécurité ont déclaré, dans une conférence de presse, qu’aucun rassemblement ne sera toléré le 19 aout 2017 sur toute l’étendue du territoire et que les manifestations seront dispersées à leur point de départ.

    Il s’agit d’une manifestation pacifique qui aurait dû être fait sous la direction des forces de police (gendarmerie et police) selon la loi n° 2011-010 du 16 mai relative aux conditions de manifestations publiques.

    Malheureusement on a retrouvé sur les lieux de manifestation des militaires qui dispersaient les protestations. Ce qui peut expliquer l’agressivité des manifestants.

    Q.Comment la société civile togolaise a-t-elle réagi à la brutalité de la police et aux meurtres?

    La Concertation Nationale de la Société Civile au Togo (CNSC-Togo) a publié une déclaration publique de condamnation de la violence sous toutes ses formes au lendemain des tueries et a appelé le gouvernement à prendre d'urgence des mesures pour apaiser le climat social, y compris la libération des détenus. En outre, CNSC-Togo a appelé les partis politiques à améliorer le mentorat de leurs activistes/membres, entre d’autres.

    Les Collectifs des associations contre l'impunité au Togo (CACIT) ont également condamné la répression de l'assemblée. Le 24 août 2017, un groupe de 32 associations et réseaux a publié une déclaration appelant le gouvernement et les autres acteurs publics à assurer l'exercice de la liberté de réunion afin d'assurer le professionnalisme des forces de sécurité dans le cadre des réunions et appelle les membres/partis politiques à respecter les biens publics et les infrastructures.

    Q. Comment décririez-vous l’état de la liberté de réunion pacifique au Togo?
    La liberté de réunion et d’association pacifique au Togo dépend de la tendance politique de ceux qui organisent la manifestation. Les militants et sympathisants du parti au pouvoir organisent des manifestations en toute quiétude même les jours ouvrables. Ce qui n’est toujours pas le cas des partis de l’opposition. Ils font souvent face à des restrictions sur les itinéraires et les points de départ des manifestations. Cela signifie que les réunions pacifiques peuvent facilement dégénérer en raison des exigences des forces de sécurité.

    Q. Comment décririez-vous l’état de la démocratie au Togo?

    La démocratie au Togo a traversé des moments difficiles depuis que les partis d'opposition sont revenus sur la mise en œuvre de réformes institutionnelles et constitutionnelles suite aux recommandations de la Commission Vérité, Justice et Réconciliation (CVJR) que le gouvernement prend du temps pour compléter. Les partis d'opposition soupçonnent que le gouvernement retarde la prise de décision pour éviter de traduire les réformes en réalité.

    Le lundi 30 juin 2014, le projet de réforme constitutionnelle présenté par le gouvernement au Parlement après le dialogue connu sous le nom de Togotélécom II de mai 2014 a été rejeté, car les membres du parlement du parti au pouvoir ont voté contre le projet de loi.

    Depuis, des voix discordantes se sont multipliées et la pression s'est accrue, même au sein des organisations de la société civile œuvrant dans le domaine de la promotion de la démocratie et de l'état de droit. Il y a souvent des pressions sur les partenaires financiers pour priver les organisations de ressources qui leur permettent d'être autonomes dans leurs actions.

    Q. Quel type de soutien peuvent offrir les groupes régionaux et internationaux à la CNSC-Togo et aux autres organisations de la société civile du pays dans la situation actuelle?

    En effet, le CCSN-Togo a des difficultés à réunir des fonds et est satisfait de certains microprojets et de l'allocation de fonds provenants des donateurs/partenaires gouvernementaux traditionnels, en particulier de l'Union européenne, et du PNUD à l’approche des élections. Ces partenaires reçoivent d'abord une autorisation gouvernementale avant d'accorder les ressources. Ce qui conduit souvent à l'autocensure dans nos déclarations et réunions publiques.

    Nous devons entrer en contact avec d'autres partenaires / donateurs qui peuvent nous fournir un soutien financier durable.

    • L'espace civique au Togo est considéré comme «obstrué» par leCIVICUS Monitor, un outil en direct qui retrace l'espace civique autour du monde.

    • Suivez la Concertation Nationale de la Société Civile au Togo à:http://www.cnsctogo.org/
  • Malawi: respect human rights and allow peaceful protest

    The government of Malawi must stop the clampdown on peaceful protests and respect the rights of its citizens to voice concerns which is in line with the country’s national and international human rights obligations, said the global civil society alliance CIVICUS, today. On 20 July 2022, Malawians took to the streets to express their views against “selective justice” by the country’s judiciary over corruption cases and the high cost of living. Protesters are concerned by the selective application of the rule of law, and judiciary’s failure to prosecute corrupt politicians.

    Malawian authorities have resorted to using extreme violence and brutal attacks to respond to the protests. About 76 protesters, including human rights activists, were arrested by police on 20 July 2022, after participating in a peaceful protest in Lilongwe, and subsequently charged for inciting violence, unlawful assembly, and contempt of court. Protesters argue that the government’s stance on combating corruption is slow and often selective, leaving highly connected politicians free while less connected citizens are harassed and not given due justice as guaranteed by the constitution. Many protesters were brutally beaten and detained in police stations, with reports of serious torture in the detention facilities.

    In response to the protests, security forces brutally arrested four leaders of the Human Rights Ambassadors group, which organised the demonstrations. Police used teargas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition to quell the protests.

    “The government of President Lazarus Chakwera is starting to resort to the same levels of violence as the previous government. More protests are planned for the future and the Malawian authorities must respect the right of its citizens to express themselves about issues affecting them as enshrined in the Malawian constitution and international human rights frameworks that Malawi is party to.” said Paul Mulindwa, Advocacy and Campaigns Africa Lead for CIVICUS.

    Background

    In March, activists supported by peaceful citizens organised an anti-corruption demonstration in Lilongwe. In response, police tear-gassed, arrested and detained many of the peaceful protesters. Malawi is a constitutional republic and has ratified and domesticated several regional and international human rights instruments. However, Malawi’s police have in recent times used violence and brutal force against protesters. Persistent cases of reported corruption continue to hinder rule of law, justice and economic development of citizens. Significant human rights abuses by police include degrading treatment of women, such as rape; arbitrary arrest or detention; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; and serious acts of corruption. The inadequate justice system, along with dire socio-economic conditions and widespread perception of pervasive corruption, continue to undermine good governance, a culture of human rights, justice and equality, as promised by President Chakwera to the people of Malawi in 2019.

    Civic space in Malawi is rated as Obstructed by the CIVICUS Monitor. 
  • Malaysia: Government must stop harassing protesters and restricting peaceful protests

    Protest outside parliament in Malaysia on 12 Sept 2023

    ARTICLE 19 and CIVICUS are concerned by recent attempts by the police to harass protesters and restrict peaceful protests. Such actions are inconsistent with the constitution and Malaysia’s international human rights obligation to respect and protect the right to freedom of expression and assembly. It also makes a mockery of Malaysia’s membership at the UN Human Rights Council and the commitments it has made to ensure fundamental freedoms.

    On 12 September 2023, a group of around 50 farmers from the state of Perak - supported by Lawan Lapar, a movement aimed at ensuring food security and members of the Malaysian Socialist Party (PSM) - gathered close to parliament to protest against land eviction measures that were affecting their livelihood. They had planned to handover a memorandum but were blocked by the police. Despite this, they continued and met representatives from the government as well as parliamentarians outside parliament.

    Following this, police opened up investigations into the protest under Section 186 of the Penal Code for ‘obstructing civil servants from performing their duties’. On 18 September, three PSM leaders were hauled up for police questioning including PSM deputy chairperson S. Arutchelvan, treasurer Soh Sook Hwa and youth member Ayman Hareez. According to reports after, the questions asked had nothing to do with what the three were accused of.

    Separately, police also tried to block the ‘Save Malaysia’ protest by opposition groups on 16 September against Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi's discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA), in his corruption case. The police kept demanding publicly that the organisers ‘apply for permit’ despite the law only requiring the organisers to give notice. Following the peaceful protest – in which around 800 people participated – police said they were going to question at least 25 people under the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 (PAA).

    Previously, protesters were also called up by the police concerning peaceful protest marches around International Women’s Rights day and Labour Day.

    “There is no basis for the police to haul up peaceful protesters for questioning. This is a clear form of harassment and creates a chilling effect for those who want to organise protests. Further, the police must stop demanding that protesters require permission from them to undertake a protest, when all that is required is a notification. Such scare tactics call into question the reformist credentials of the Anwar Ibrahim government and its commitment to respect the right to peaceful assembly” said Josef Benedict, CIVICUS Asia Pacific Researcher.

    Our organisations remain concerned that the PAA falls short of international human rights law and standards. The law imposes onerous requirements such as the need to provide detailed information about the planned event and its organisers.  Further, anyone who organises an assembly without giving the required notice can be charged with a criminal offence carrying a fine of up to RM10,000 ($2,134 USD).

    The PAA also lacks an exception to the notice requirement for spontaneous assemblies where it is not practicable to give advance notice. It also makes it a criminal offence for people under 21-years-old to organise an assembly and for children to attend an assembly. Further, non-citizens are also denied the right to organise or participate in protests, which is clearly discriminatory.

    In 2024, Malaysia’s human rights record will be reviewed by states at the UN Human Rights Council. During its last Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2019, the government accepted recommendations to ‘amend existing provisions that limit the freedom of expression including the Peaceful Assembly Act’.

    “The police force should stop any further harassment against protest organizers and participants. The government must take steps to revise the Peaceful Assembly Act 2012 to ensure it is consistent with international law and standards. This includes allowing space for spontaneous protests and removing discriminatory provisions in the law. Ahead of Malaysia’s review at the Human Rights Council in 2024, this would signal that the government is committed to respecting and protecting the right to protest”, said Nalini Elumalai, Senior Malaysia Program officer at ARTICLE 19.

     Civic space in Malaysia is rated as 'Obstruted' by the CIVICUS Monitor 
  • Nicaragua: Cese de la violencia en contra de los manifestantes pacíficos

    Inglés

    La alianza global de la sociedad civil CIVICUS y la Coordinadora Civil de Nicaragua hacen un llamamiento al gobierno de Nicaragua para que detenga la violencia contra las personas que se manifiestan de manera pacífica y para que respete su derecho a manifestarse libremente y de forma pacífica. Después de 54 días de protesta, 135 personas han sido asesinadas, más de 1000 han resultado heridas y 400 detenidas. Mientras tanto, estas personas manifestantes piden al presidente Daniel Ortega que renuncie.

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