humans rights violations
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9/11’s anti-human rights legacy in Eswatini
By Kgalalelo Gaebee, Communications Officer and David Kode, Lead of Advocacy and Campaigns at CIVICUS
Twenty-one years on, the legacy of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 still reverberate. This year’s anniversary offers an opportunity to reflect on the unfortunate legacy in the proliferation of anti-terrorism laws. These laws have been used by numerousstates, including many in Africa, to target dissent and limit the freedoms of expression, assembly and association. Between 2001 and 2018, African states were among over 140 countries worldwide that passed such counter-terrorism laws and other security-related legislation.
While the global counter-terrorism framework is clear about the fact that any strategy to combat terrorism must be based on respect for the rule of law , many countries in Africa, including those without a history of terrorist threats, now use anti-terrorism and related ‘security’ laws to silence critics. Eswatini is among the worst offenders.
Read on African Vanguard
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Another Wave of Atrocity Crimes in Chin State UN Security Council Must Act Now to End Myanmar Junta’s Campaign of Terror
We, the undersigned 521 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations, call on the UN Security Council to urgently convene a meeting on the escalating attacks in Chin State, and address the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian, human rights and political crisis in Myanmar. We call for the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution to consolidate international action to stop the military's violent assault against the people of Myanmar. The UN Security Council must also impose a global arms embargo to stop the flow of weapons and dual-use goods to the Myanmar military junta.
It has been nine months since the attempted coup by the brutal Myanmar military. 1,236 people have been killedand 9,667 arbitrarily detained as of 3 November, 2021. The junta has continued its violent assault throughout Myanmar, recently deployed troops and increased its attacks against civilians in Chin State, Sagaing and Magwe Regions in north-western Myanmar, while continuing its attacks in Karenni, Karen and Shan States.
On Friday 29 October, the Myanmar military began shelling the town of Thantlang in Western Chin State, setting as many as 200 houses and at least two churches on fire. Soldiers also deliberately torched houses at random.
Save the Children - whose office in Thantlang was set on fire alongside local civil society organizations including Chin Human Rights Organization - strongly condemned the recent attacks stating “the incident is further evidence of a deepening crisis in Myanmar” as the violence continues to affect large numbers of children across the country. Such indiscriminate attacks against civilians and humanitarian organizations are violations of international law and constitute war crimes.
Following the 1 February attempted coup, Chin State has been at the forefront of some of the strongest resistance to the Myanmar military junta. This has been met with fierce attacks by the military, including use of fighter jets and heavy artillery used against civilians while hundreds have been arbitrarily detained, and dozens killed. Prior to this most recent attack, approximately 10,000 residents had already fled Thantlang as the military junta indiscriminately shot into homes and set off fires by shelling in September. At the time, a Christian pastor who was attempting to put out the fires was shot dead, and his ring finger cruelly cut off and removed, along with his wedding ring. Those displaced have taken shelter in nearby villages and others have sought refuge in India. Many of those who have been displaced have been unable to access humanitarian aid as the junta weaponizes aid for their own political benefit, often blocking access or destroying it in an effort to weaken the resistance.
In early October, amid increasing deployment of heavy weapons and troops by the military junta, the spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights urged “the international community to speak with one voice, to prevent the commission of further serious human rights violations against the people of Myanmar.” The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights also warned of greater human rights catastrophe and further mass atrocity crimes amid the deployment of tens of thousands of troops stating, “These tactics are ominously reminiscent of those employed by the military before its genocidal attacks against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017.” Echoing these concerns, 29 Rohingya organizations have urged the Council not to repeat the mistakes it made in 2017 by failing to act on warnings of an impending military offensive against the Rohingya.
Since the start of the attempted coup nine months ago, hundreds of Myanmar and international society organizations have repeatedly and vehemently called for the UN Security Council to act. This includes a statement from 92 Chin civil society organizations and Burma Campaign UK, who have called on the UK as the “penholder” of Myanmar at the UN Security Council to urgently act. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar have also called for the UN Security Council to “issue a resolution to consolidate international action towards resolving the crisis.”
Yet, the Security Council has failed to take any effective actions beyond statements. As the offensives escalate in Chin State, the UN Security Council must act before it is too late. It must convene an urgent meeting on the escalating attacks in Chin State and the overall deepening political, human rights and humanitarian crisis as a result of the Myanmar military leaders search for power and greed that has caused immense suffering. The human security risk not only threatens the people of Myanmar but also regional and thus global security and peace. The Council must immediately build on previous statements with concrete action by adopting a resolution that consolidates international action to resolve the deepening crisis, a global arms embargo to stop the flow of weapons, including dual-use goods, and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. The Council must demonstrate that it will take concrete actions to stop the junta from committing further atrocity crimes and posing further risk to human security of the people of Myanmar.
The UN must not continue to fail the people of Myanmar.
For more information, please contact:
- Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice,
- Salai Za Uk, Chin Human Rights Organization,
- Tun Khin, Burmese Rohingya Organization UK,
Signed by 521 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations* including:
- 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
- Action Committee for Democracy Development
- African Great Lakes Action Network
- All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
- All Burma IT Student Union
- Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
- ALTSEAN-Burma
- America Rohingya Justice Network
- American Baptist Churches USA
- American Rohingya Advocacy
- Ananda Data
- Anti-Dictatorship in Burma - DC Metropolitan Area
- Arakan CSO Network
- Arakan Institute for Peace and Development
- Arakan Rohingya Development Association – Australia
- Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO)
- Arakan Rohingya Union
- Arizona Kachin Community
- ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
- Asho University Students Association (AUSA)
- Asho Youth Organization
- Asian Dignity Initiative
- Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
- Asian Resource Foundation
- Asia-Pacific Solidarity Coalition
- Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
- Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
- Association of Women for Awareness & Motivation (AWAM)
- Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
- Auckland Kachin Community Inc.
- Auckland Zomi Community
- Australian Burmese Rohingya Organisation
- Backpack Health Workers Team
- Balaod Mindanaw
- Bangkok Chin University Student Fellowship
- Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
- Baptist World Alliance
- Blood Money Campaign
- British Rohingya Community in UK
- Buddhist Solidarity for Reform
- Burma Action Ireland
- Burma Campaign UK
- Burma Human Rights Network
- Burma Medical Association
- Burma Task Force
- Burmese American Millennials
- Burmese Community Support Group (Australia)
- Burmese Democratic Forces
- Burmese Rohingya Association in Queensland-Australia (BRAQA)
- Burmese Rohingya Association Japan (BRAJ)
- Burmese Rohingya Association of North America
- Burmese Rohingya Community Australia (BRCA)
- Burmese Rohingya Community in Denmark
- Burmese Rohingya Community of Georgia
- Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
- Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
- Burmese Student Association at UCSB
- Burmese Women’s Union
- California Kachin Community
- Calvary Burmese Church
- Campaign for a New Myanmar
- Canadian Burmese Rohingya Organisation
- Canadian Rohingya Development Initiative
- Cantors' Assembly
- CAU Buddhist
- CDM Supporter Team (Hakha)
- Central Chin Youth Organization (CCYO)
- Centre for Human Rights and Development, Mongolia
- Cherry Foundation (Yangon), Burma/Myanmar
- Chin Baptist Association, North America
- Chin Baptist Churches USA
- Chin Civil Society Network (CCSN)
- Chin Community of Auckland
- Chin Community of USA-DC Area
- Chin Education Initiative (CEI)
- Chin Human Rights Organization
- Chin Humanitarian Assistance Team Rakhine State (CHAT)
- Chin Leaders of Tomorrow (CLT)
- Chin Literature and Culture Committee (Universities of Yangon)
- Chin Student Union - Kalay
- Chin Student Union - Pakokku
- Chin Student Union - Sittwe
- Chin Student Union of Myanmar
- Chin University Student Fellowship – Paletwa
- Chin University Students in Rakhine State (CUSRS)
- Chin Women Organization (CWO)
- Chin Women's Development Organization (CWDO)
- CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
- Coalition for Democracy
- Community Resource Centre (CRC)
- Dallas Kachin Community
- Darfur and Beyond, Phoenix, Arizona, USA
- DEEKU-Karenni Community of Amarillo, TX
- Democracy for Ethnic Minorities Organization
- Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (NZ)
- Democracy, Peace and Women's Organization – DPW
- Equality Myanmar
- European Rohingya Council (ERC)
- Falam Phunsang Tlawngta Pawlkom
- Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
- Fidi Foundation (Hakha)
- Florida Kachin Community
- Free Burma Action Bay/USA/Global
- Free Myanmar Campaign USA/BACI
- Free Rohingya Coalition (FRC)
- Freedom for Burma
- Freedom, Justice, Equality for Myanmar
- Future Light Center
- Future Thanlwin
- Gender and Development Institute – Myanmar
- Gender Equality Myanmar
- Generation Wave
- Georgia Kachin Community
- Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
- Global Justice Center
- Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy
- Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
- Global Witness
- Globe International Center
- Grassroots Movement for Burma
- Green Party Korea International Committee
- Hakha Campaign for Justice
- Hakha University Student Organization (HUSO)
- Houston Kachin Community
- Human Rights Alert
- Human Rights Development for Myanmar
- Human Rights Foundation of Monland
- Human Rights Watch
- Imparsial
- Incorporated Organization Shilcheon Bulgyo
- Infinite Burma
- Initiatives for International Dialogue
- Institute for Asian Democracy
- Inter Pares
- International Campaign for the Rohingya
- International Karen Organisation
- Iowa Kachin Community
- Ipas
- Jewish World Watch
- Jogye Order Chapter of Korea Democracy Union
- Justice For Myanmar
- Kachin Alliance
- Kachin American Community (Portland – Vancouver)
- Kachin Community of Indiana
- Kachin Community of USA
- Kachin National Organization USA
- Kachin Peace Network (KPN)
- Kachin State Women Network
- Kachin Women’s Association Thailand
- Kanpetlet University Student Organization
- Kansas Karenni Community, KS
- Karen American Association of Milwaukee, WI
- Karen Association of Huron, SD
- Karen Community of Akron, OH
- Karen Community of Iowa, IA
- Karen Community of Kansas City, KS & MO
- Karen Community of Minnesota, MN
- Karen Community of North Carolina, NC
- Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
- Karen Human Rights Group
- Karen Organization of America
- Karen Organization of Illinois, IL
- Karen Organization of San Diego
- Karen Peace Support Network
- Karen Rivers Watch
- Karen Women’s Organization
- Karen Youth Education Pathways
- Karenni Civil Society Network
- Karenni Community of Arizona, AZ
- Karenni Community of Arkensas, AK
- Karenni Community of Austin, TX
- Karenni Community of Bowling Green, KY
- Karenni Community of Buffalo, NY
- Karenni Community of Chicago, IL
- Karenni Community of Colorado, CO
- Karenni Community of Dallas, TX
- Karenni Community of Des Moines, IA
- Karenni Community of Florida, FL
- Karenni Community of Fort Worth, TX
- Karenni Community of Georgia, GA
- Karenni Community of Houston, TX
- Karenni Community of Idaho, ID
- Karenni Community of Indianapolis, IN
- Karenni Community of Massachusetts, MA
- Karenni Community of Michigan, MI
- Karenni Community of Minnesota, MN
- Karenni Community of Missouri, MO
- Karenni Community of North Carolina, NC
- Karenni Community of Portland, OR
- Karenni Community of Rockford, IL
- Karenni Community of San Antonio, TX
- Karenni Community of Sioux Falls, SD
- Karenni Community of Utah, UT
- Karenni Community of Utica, NY
- Karenni Community of Washington, WA
- Karenni Community of Wisconsin, WI
- Karenni Human Rights Group
- Karenni National Women’s Organization
- Karenni Society New Zealand
- Karenni Society of Omaha, NE
- Karenni-American Association
- Kaung Rwai Social Action Network
- Keng Tung Youth
- Kentucky Kachin Community
- Korean Ashram
- L'chaim! Jews Against the Death Penalty
- Los Angeles Rohingya Association
- Louisiana Kachin Community
- Manyou Power People
- Maryland Kachin Community
- Matupi University Student Fellowship
- Metta Campaign Mandalay
- Metta-Vipassana Center
- Michigan Kachin Community
- MINBYUN - Lawyers for a Democratic Society International Solidarity Committee
- Mindat University Student Union
- Minnesota Kachin Community
- Mizo Student Fellowship
- Myanmar Advocacy Coalition
- Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
- Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
- Myanmar Ethnic Rohingya Human Rights Organisation in Malaysia
- Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
- Myanmar Peace Bikers
- Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
- Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
- Nationalities Alliance of Burma USA
- NeT Organization
- Network for Human Rights Documentation (ND-Burma)
- Never Again Coalition
- New Bodhisattva Network
- New York Kachin Community
- New Zealand Doctors for NUG
- New Zealand Karen Association
- New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
- Ninu (Women in Action Group)
- No Business With Genocide
- North Carolina Kachin Community
- Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
- Olive Organization
- Omaha Kachin Community
- Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
- Pa-O Women’s Union
- Pa-O Youth Organization
- Pennsylvania Kachin Community
- People’s Initiative for Development Alternatives
- People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD)
- Progressive Voice
- Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
- Rohingya Action Ireland
- Rohingya American Society
- Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee
- Rohingya Community in Netherlands
- Rohingya Community in Norway
- Rohingya Culture Centre Chicago
- Rohingya Human Rights Initiative
- Rohingya Human Rights Network (Canada)
- Rohingya Organisation Norway
- Rohingya Refugee Network
- Rohingya Society Malaysia
- Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN)
- Rohingya Youth Development Forum (RYDF)
- Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
- Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
- Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
- Save the Salween Network
- SEA Junction
- SEGRI
- Shan Community (New Zealand)
- Shan MATA
- Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
- Solidarity for Another World
- South Carolina Kachin Community
- Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
- Stepping Stone for Peace
- Students for Free Burma
- Support the Democracy Movement in Burma
- Swedish Burma Committee
- Swedish Rohingya Association
- Synergy - Social Harmony Organization
- Ta’ang Women’s Organization
- Tedim Youth Association (TYA)
- Tennessee Kachin Community
- Thantlang Revolutionary Campaigner
- Thantlang University Student Organization (TUSO)
- Thantlang Youth Association (TYA)
- The Center for Freedom of Information
- The Pastors Fellowship
- The Sound of Hope
- The Spring University Myanmar (SUM)
- Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar
- S. Campaign for Burma
- UION
- Union for Reform Judaism (URJ)
- Union of Karenni State Youth
- Unitarian Universalist Association
- Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC)
- Virginia Kachin Community
- Washington Kachin Community
- West Virginia Kachin Community
- Women Peace Network
- Women’s Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar
- Women’s League of Burma
- WOREC Nepal
- Yeollin Seonwon
- Zomi Federal Union (ZFU)
- Zomi Siamsim Kipawlna - Myanmar
- Zotung Student Society (ZSS - Myanmar)
*Note: 213 organizations' names are not disclosed at their request due to security concerns.
Civic space in Myanmar is considered repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor
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ASEAN: Refrain from legitimising junta and enhance cooperation to address human rights situation in Myanmar
Civil society organisations urge the regional-bloc under Cambodia Chairship to halt further measures that will bring legitimacy to the junta military of Myanmar.
We, the undersigned, express deep concern over the planned visit of Prime Minister Hun Sen, on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to Myanmar to meet with the junta representative, General Min Aung Hlaing. The visit is scheduled for 7 January 2022. We call on the ASEAN to refrain from further actions that will legitimise the junta and effectively implement the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus in alignment with the call made by the international community.
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COP27: Over 200 organisations call on UNFCCC Secretariat & State parties to put human rights at the centre of climate action
CIVICUS together with over 200 organisations wrote an open letter asking the Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and State parties to put human rights at the centre of the energy transition at COP27.
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COP28: ‘We are worried that the host country, the United Arab Emirates, restricts civil society’
CIVICUS discusses the hopes and roles of civil society at the forthcoming COP28 climate summit with Gideon Abraham Sanago, Climate Coordinator with the Pastoralists Indigenous Non-Governmental Organizations’ Forum (PINGOs Forum).Established in 1994, PINGOs Forum is an advocacy coalition of 53 Indigenous peoples’ organisations working for the rights of marginalised Indigenous pastoralists and hunter-gatherer communities in Tanzania. It was founded by six pastoralists and hunter-gatherers’ organisations promoting a land rights and development agenda.
What environmental issues do you work on?
PINGOs Forum works with Indigenous peoples’ communities across Tanzania to address the impacts the environmental and climate crisis is having on them.
Although it is a global phenomenon, climate change affects communities in different ways and presents a variety of challenges. These include prolonged and severe droughts, floods, biodiversity loss, land conflicts and displacement, and the loss of livestock that communities depend on for their livelihoods. This also leads to the loss of culture and identity as young men migrate towards towns looking for an income-producing job, leaving women, children and older people abandoned at home.
To respond to these challenges, PINGOs Forum supports community initiatives for land conflict resolution, the development of land use plans and the recognition of land rights for Indigenous peoples, as well as for water provision and restocking of agricultural supplies for destitute families. We also build capacity to tackle climate issues and support Indigenous peoples’ participation in national, regional and global climate forums to ensure their voices are heard and the resulting policies respond to their needs.
PINGOs Forum is a member of the Climate Action Network (Tanzania Chapter), the CIVICUS alliance, the International Indigenous Peoples Forum on Climate Change and other bodies engaging with the United Nations (UN) Framework Convention on Climate Change. We use these platforms for advocacy and campaigning. They have been instrumental for us in being able to voice our concerns and engage in productive dialogue and exchanges.
Have you faced any restrictions or reprisals for the work you do?
Human rights defenders face threats and intimidation when advocating for the rights of Indigenous peoples to land and resources and organising to respond to their violations.
The state of Tanzania does not recognise the existence of Indigenous peoples in the country. Instead, it always refers to them as marginalised groups, forest-dependent communities, forest dwellers and other such terms. This limits the ability of Indigenous peoples to exercise their rights as enshrined in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, of which Tanzania is a signatory but clearly does not respect.
The UN declaration includes the key right of Indigenous peoples to give free prior and informed consent, which of course the Indigenous peoples of Tanzania have never exercised. Their rights to ownership of land and resources have been repeatedly violated through forceful evictions from their ancestral lands. We have seen examples of this in Loliondo/Ngorongoro and Kimotorok in Simanjiro District.
Another major challenge is access to the media. We believe in the power of media and recognise the pivotal role it plays in addressing the challenges faced by Tanzanian Indigenous peoples. But the media is restricted when it comes to publishing any information coming from Indigenous people’s organisations regarding issues such as land crises, as happened in the case of Loliondo. All media outlets were warned not to publish any information about it.
What priority issues do you expect to see addressed at COP28?
There are several key priorities for Tanzanian Indigenous peoples on the frontline of climate challenges, the first one being funding of loss and damage. One of the key decisions from COP27 was to establish a loss and damage funding mechanism. We would like to see this funding mechanism operationalised with sufficient resources to urgently respond to the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples. We are eager to understand how this mechanism will address economic and non-economic losses and provide compensation for what we have already lost.
More broadly, Indigenous peoples are in dire need of direct access to reliable and flexible funding, including for adaptation measures and to build resilience in the face of the impacts of climate change.
Regarding the carbon market, Indigenous peoples would need to be engaged and the technicalities and political issues around these investment approaches should be clarified. Indigenous peoples should be able to exercise their right to free, prior and informed consent when it comes to carbon credits in their ancestral lands and forests to avoid any rights violations resulting from climate interventions.
All this would require a recognition of the rights and knowledge of Indigenous peoples and their full and effective participation in climate forums at all levels to inform better policy formulation and decision-making processes.
Do you think COP28 will provide enough space for civil society?
We are particularly worried about the fact that COP28’s host country, the United Arab Emirates, restricts civil society movements and campaigns. It is key for civil society and Indigenous peoples’ organisations to be able to exercise their rights to express their views and peacefully demonstrate at any time during the negotiations. Otherwise their perspectives will not be reflected in the outcomes and their concerns will not be addressed.
Civil society and Indigenous peoples’ organisations play a pivotal role as observers at COPs. They hold negotiating parties accountable and make a difference when they are reluctant to take important decisions during the negotiations. During COPs, civil society campaigns, mobilises, develops position papers and issues joint statements to push parties to take urgent actions on agreed points.
What are your expectations concerning its outcomes?
Our main expectation is to have an ambitious COP28 addressing key points of climate change action. We expect the loss and damage financial mechanism to be operationalised in ways that take into consideration the rights of Indigenous peoples and address both the economic and non-economic losses they are experiencing. We expect direct and flexible funding to become accessible to Indigenous peoples, as well as capacity building and the transfer of the required technologies.
We also would like to see a clear definition of adaptation actions and serious emission reduction commitments by developed countries. But above all, we want this to be a COP of actions and not of empty promises – we want to see developed states live up to their commitments, giving vulnerable communities reasons for hope that they will be able to face and survive the impacts of climate change.
Civic space in Tanzania is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with PINGOs Forum through itswebsite ofFacebook page, and follow@PINGOsForum on Twitter.
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Countries on CIVICUS Monitor watchlist presented to UN Human Rights Council
Statement at the 48th Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Delivered by Lisa Majumdar
Thank you, Madame President.
A number of countries have experienced serious and rapid decline in respect for civic freedoms in the last months. We call upon the Council to do everything in their power to immediately end the ongoing civic space crackdowns which are a foreshadowing of worse violations to come.
In Afghanistan, against a backdrop of deepening human rights, humanitarian and economic crisis, activists face systematic intimidation and are at grave risk. The Taliban are carrying out house-to-house searches for activists and journalists, and have responded with excessive force, gunfire and beatings to disperse peaceful protests, leading to deaths and injuries of peaceful protesters. The Council previously failed to take swift action to establish a monitoring and accountability mechanism. We urge it to remedy this missed opportunity now.
In Belarus, attacks on human rights defenders and independent journalists have intensified, against the backdrop of recent draconian changes to the Mass Media Law and to the Law on Mass Events which were adopted in May 2021. We call on the Council to ensure that arbitrarily detained human rights defenders are released, and perpetrators of violations are held to account.
Since the end of May, Nicaragua’s authorities have carried out a further crackdown on civil society and the opposition. Dozens of political leaders and human rights defenders were arrested and prosecuted as the government acted to silence critics and opponents ahead of presidential elections in November, a context which renders free and fair elections impossible. It is essential that the Council escalates its international scrutiny of Nicaragua to further accountability and justice for crimes under international law.
We thank you.
Civic space in Afghanistan, Belarus and Nicaragua is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor
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Eritrea: Extend the UN Special Rapporteur mandate and enshrine his “benchmarks for progress”
To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations Human Rights Council (Geneva, Switzerland)
Excellencies,
Ahead of the UN Human Rights Council’s 50th session (13 June- 8 July 2022), we, the undersigned non-governmental organisations, are writing to urge your delegation to support the adoption of a resolution that extends the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. Moreover, we highlight the need for the Council to move beyond merely procedural resolutions and to enshrine the “benchmarks for progress in improving the situation of human rights” by incorporating them into Eritrea-focused resolutions.
In July 2021, the UN Human Rights Council maintained its scrutiny of Eritrea’s human rights situation. Considering that monitoring of and reporting on the situation was still needed, the Council extended the Special Rapporteur’s mandate. This was vital to address both Eritrea’s domestic human rights violations and atrocities Eritrean forces have committed in the neighbouring Tigray region of Ethiopia.
In October 2021, Eritrea was re-elected for a second term as a Member of the Council (2022-2024). Yet the Government shows no willingness to address the grave human rights violations and abuses UN bodies and mechanisms have documented or to engage in a serious dialogue with the international community, including on the basis of the benchmarks for progress the Special Rapporteur identified in 2019. Despite its obligations as a Council Member to “uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights” and to “fully cooperate with the Council,” the Government refuses to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur or other special procedure mandate holders. As of 2022, Eritrea remains among the very few countries that have never received any visit by a special procedure.[1]
Furthermore, Eritrean forces have been credibly accused of grave violations of international law in Tigray, some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, since the conflict started in November 2020.
The concerns expressed in joint civil society letters released in 2020 and 2021 remain valid. Key human rights issues in Eritrea include[2]:
- Widespread impunity for past and ongoing human rights violations;
- Arbitrary arrests and incommunicado detention;
- Violations of the rights to a fair trial, access to justice, and due process;
- Enforced disappearances and lack of information on disappeared persons;
- Conscription into the country’s abusive national service system, including indefinite national service, involving torture, sexual violence against women and girls, and forced labour; and
- Restrictions on the media and media workers, as well as severe restrictions on civic space.
In 2019, when the former sponsors of Eritrea-focused resolutions, Djibouti and Somalia, discontinued their leadership, civil society welcomed the initiative a group of six States took to maintain multilateral scrutiny of Eritrea’s human rights situation. However, while welcoming the adoption of Human Rights Council resolutions 41/1 (2019), 44/1 (2020), and 47/2 (2021),[3] many civil society organisations cautioned that any shifts in the Council’s approach should reflect corresponding changes in the human rights situation on the ground. Civil society also emphasised the need for the new core group, and for the European Union (which subsequently took over sponsorship of these resolutions), to be ambitious.
We believe that it is time for the Council to move beyond merely procedural resolutions that extend the Special Rapporteur’s mandate, and to clearly describe and condemn violations Eritrean authorities commit at home and abroad.
We also believe that the benchmarks for progress in improving the situation of human rights,[4] which form a comprehensive road map for human rights reforms, should be incorporated into this year’s resolution. These benchmarks[5] include:
- Benchmark 1: Improvement in the promotion of the rule of law and strengthening of national justice and law enforcement institutions;
- Benchmark 2: Demonstrated commitment to introducing reforms to the national/military service;
- Benchmark 3: Extended efforts to guarantee freedoms of religion, association, expression and the press, and extended efforts to end religious and ethnic discrimination;
- Benchmark 4: Demonstrated commitment to addressing all forms of gender-based violence and to promoting the rights of women and gender equality; and
- Benchmark 5: Strengthened cooperation with the United Nations country team.
- Associated indicators outlined in paragraphs 78-82 of UN Doc. A/HRC/41/53, as well as all recommendations pertaining to the benchmarks formulated in successive reports of the Special Rapporteur, should also be referenced in the resolution.
The Human Rights Council should allow the Special Rapporteur to pursue his work and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to deepen its engagement with Eritrea.
At its upcoming 50th session, the Council should adopt a resolution:
- Extending the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Eritrea;
- Urging Eritrea to cooperate fully with the Special Rapporteur by granting him access to the country, in accordance with its obligations as a Council Member;
- Welcoming the benchmarks for progress in improving the situation of human rights and associated indicators and recommendations, and emphasising the need for Eritrea to incorporate these benchmarks in its institutional, legal, and policy framework. The resolution should enshrine the five benchmarks and associated indicators;
- Calling on Eritrea to develop an implementation plan to meet the benchmarks for progress, in consultation with the Special Rapporteur and OHCHR; and
- Requestingthe High Commissionerand the Special Rapporteur to present updates on the human rights situation in Eritrea at the Council’s 52nd session in an enhanced interactive dialogue, and requesting the Special Rapporteur to present a comprehensive written report at the Council’s 53rd session and to the General Assembly at its 77th
We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as needed.
Sincerely,
- African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS)
- AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
- Amnesty International
- Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
- Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
- Cercle des Droits de l’Homme et de Développement – DRC
- CIVICUS
- Civil Society Human Rights Advocacy Platform – Liberia
- Coalition Burundaise des Défenseurs des Droits de l’Homme (CBDDH)
- Coalition des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CDDH-Bénin)
- Coalition Ivoirienne des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CIDDH)
- Coalition Togolaise des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CTDDH)
- Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI)
- CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide)
- DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
- Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR)
- Eritrea Focus
- Eritrean Law Society
- Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR)
- Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change (ENCDC)
- Eritrean Political Forces Coordination Committee (EPFCC)
- Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile (FORSC) – Burundi
- Freedom United
- Geneva for Human Rights / Genève pour les Droits de l’Homme (GHR)
- Human Rights Concern – Eritrea (HRCE)
- Human Rights Defenders Network – Sierra Leone (HRDN-SL)
- Human Rights Defenders Solidarity Network – HRDS-NET
- Human Rights Watch
- Independent Human Rights Investigators – Liberia
- Information Forum for Eritrea (IFE)
- Institut des Médias pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme (IM2DH)
- International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
- Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada
- Network of Human Rights Journalists – The Gambia
- Network of the Independent Commission for Human Rights in North Africa (CIDH AFRICA)
- One Day Seyoum
- Protection International Africa
- Réseau des Citoyens Probes (RCP) – Burundi
- Réseau Nigérien des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (RNDDH)
- Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (Southern Defenders)
- West African Human Rights Defenders Network (ROADDH/WAHRDN)
- World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
[1] See https://spinternet.ohchr.org/ViewCountryVisits.aspx?visitType=all&Lang=en. The Special Rapporteur on Eritrea has conducted official visits to neighbouring countries, namely Ethiopia and Djibouti, as well as to other countries, and met with members of the Eritrean diaspora, including refugees, in these countries. All visit requests to Eritrea have been denied. Other special procedure mandate holders have requested, but were systematically denied, visits to Eritrea. They include special procedures on extrajudicial executions, freedom of opinion and expression, the right to education, the right to health, arbitrary detention, torture, freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, freedom of religion or belief, and the right to food (data as of 7 April 2022).
[2] See DefendDefenders et al., “Eritrea: maintain Human Rights Council scrutiny and engagement,” 5 May 2020, https://defenddefenders.org/eritrea-maintain-human-rights-council-scrutiny-and-engagement/; DefendDefenders et al., “Eritrea: renew vital mandate of UN Special Rapporteur,” 10 May 2021, https://defenddefenders.org/eritrea-renew-vital-mandate-of-un-special-rapporteur/; CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide), “Eritrea: General Briefing,” 22 March 2022, https://www.csw.org.uk/2022/03/22/report/5629/article.htm (accessed on 7 April 2022).
[3] Resolutions available at: https://undocs.org/en/A/HRC/RES/41/1; https://undocs.org/en/A/HRC/RES/44/1 and https://undocs.org/en/A/HRC/RES/47/2
[4] See Human Rights Council resolution 38/15, available at: https://ap.ohchr.org/documents/dpage_e.aspx?si=A/HRC/RES/38/15
[5] See reports of the Special Rapporteur to the Council, UN Docs. A/HRC/41/53, A/HRC/44/23, and A/HRC/47/21.
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Human rights groups call for Special UN Session on Iran amid protests
We are writing to raise our deep concerns about the Iranian authorities' mobilization of their well honed machinery of repression to ruthlessly crackdown on current nationwide protests.
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India: Human rights defender Khurram Parvez marks 150 days arbitrarily detained on baseless charges
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation and Amnesty International condemn the way in which the authorities have targeted and harassed human rights defender Khurram Parvez through the misuse of the justice system, 150 days on, from his arbitrary detention. Our organisations call on the government of India to immediately and unconditionally release him and drop the baseless charges that have been brought against him.
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KOSOVO: ‘Civil society plays a crucial role in maintaining communication in difficult times’
CIVICUS speaks with Milica Andric Rakic, project manager at New Social Initiative (NSI), about intensifying inter-ethnic violence and deteriorating civic space in Kosovo.NSI is a civil society organisation (CSO) that seeks to empower non-majority communities to participate in Kosovo’s social and institutional life and increase trust among communities by helping people to deal with past events and promoting the normalisation of relations between Kosovo and Serbia.
What’s the current human rights and security situation in Kosovo?
The situation in Kosovo is highly volatile. Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in 2008, but to this day Serbia doesn’t recognise Kosovo as an independent state and continues to claim it as an autonomous province of Serbia. The longstanding impasse in negotiations is straining inter-ethnic relations within Kosovo, between Kosovar Serbian and Albanian communities. Unlike past tensions that eventually subsided, the security situation has steadily worsened over the past two years.
Human rights are generally upheld in Kosovo, although rather selectively. For example, successive governments have refused to implement constitutional court decisions regarding the ownership of an Orthodox monastery’s extensive land and the establishment of an association of Serbian-majority municipalities, two longstanding demands of the Kosovo Serb community. There have been break-ins at Orthodox churches and police arrests of Kosovar Serbs without a prosecutor’s order. While the overall human rights situation isn’t bad, there are specific areas where the government fails to respect the law and court orders.
What was the significance ofviolence in Banjska on 24 September?
The attack occurred in the context of increased tensions in north Kosovo, which included the resignations of thousands of Kosovar Serbs working in the public sector, including the mayors of four municipalities. On 24 September 2023, Serb militants carried out an attack against the Kosovo police in the village of Banjska, in north Kosovo.
North Kosovo’s population is 90 per cent Serbian but its police force is mainly Albanian, which leads to a level of mistrust and tensions that pose a threat of violence. Those involved in the attack had a secessionist political agenda. While secession isn’t an imminent threat, it’s definitely a motivating factor, and many on-the-ground processes have had a disintegrative effect.
What role is civil society playing in normalising relations between Serbia and Kosovo?
It seems that civil society has been the only healthy player in Serbian-Albanian relations. It has played a crucial role in maintaining communication in difficult times. We’ve acted as mediators between the international community and Kosovar and Serbian governments, trying to understand the perspectives of all sides.
From 2011 to 2017, effective dialogue and integrative processes were underway, albeit with slow implementation and numerous challenges. The European Union (EU) played a special facilitating role in the negotiations, motivating both sides through the promise of potential EU membership.
But now the only trend we are witnessing is towards disintegration. The lack of proper dialogue over the past two years indicates a need for a political change on at least one side to move the process forward.
How is NSI working towards peacebuilding in Kosovo?
As an umbrella organisation, we engage Kosovars in inter-community dialogue through various projects. One initiative promotes reconciliation by creating connections and fostering cooperation among young Kosovar Serbs and Albanians. As there are limited organic opportunities for them to meet, the responsibility for creating personal inter-ethnic ties lies largely on the shoulders of local CSOs. If a Kosovar Serbian and an Albanian know each other, there’s an 80 per cent probability that they’ve met at a civil society activity.
Another programme focuses on multiculturalism and bilingualism. Albanian and Serbian are both official languages in Kosovo, and our goal is to increase social acceptance and promote the learning of both. For almost 40 years we haven’t been taught each other’s language in school, which has led to a significant linguistic gap. It should be noted that Albanian and Serbian are very different languages and can both be challenging to learn.
We have a transitional justice programme, where we collaborate with associations that represent various categories of war victims, including families of missing people and internally displaced people. This regional project involves Kosovo, North Macedonia and Serbia. We support these associations to expand their work from truth-seeking to regional reconciliation, simultaneously enhancing their financial sustainability by securing funding for new projects. We have also participated and proposed policies in the Ministry of Justice’s working group to draft a national strategy for transitional justice.
Moreover, we’ve organised diverse artistic activities, including a joint photo exhibition, ‘All Our Tears’, in which photographers captured images of war victims in Kosovo, North Macedonia and Serbia. The exhibition was showcased in cities including Kosovo’s capital Prishtina, Serbia’s capital Belgrade and at the Council of Europe in Strasbourg. Additionally, we have supported regional theatre projects that raise transitional justice issues through performance.
What challenges do you face in doing your work, and what further support do you need?
There has been a significant narrowing of civic space in Kosovo, marked by delegitimising campaigns targeting CSOs, political opponents and critics of the government, mainly through online harassment. Our organisation, along with some staff, has faced such attacks.
Engaging with the government on policy matters has been challenging, as our recommendations regarding the Kosovar Serb community are often ignored or poorly implemented. It’s evident that the government’s outreach to the Kosovar Serb community is influenced more by international pressure than a genuine willingness to engage. The contacts we maintain with government representatives are often facilitated by outside parties, either from embassies or European think tanks that hold roundtable discussions where we can directly discuss issues of the local Serb community with the government.
Kosovar civil society has sufficient funding opportunities. What we really need is support to maintain our relevance, especially when governments attempt to exclude CSOs from political decision-making processes. Whenever there’s an attempt to narrow civic space, the international community should demonstrate that it’s willing to support local CSOs, signalling their importance and thereby putting pressure on the government to take them into consideration.
Civic space in Kosovo is rated ‘narrowed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with New Social Initiative through itswebsite or itsFacebook page, and follow@NSIMitrovica and@AndricRakic on Twitter.
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Laos: Nine years on, civil society worldwide still demands answers on Sombath's enforced disappearance
On the ninth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, we, the undersigned organisations, reiterate our calls on the Lao government to determine his fate and whereabouts and deliver justice to him and his family.
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SENEGAL: ‘The situation is becoming more tense as we approach the 2024 elections’
CIVICUS speaks about the deterioration of civic space in the run-up to next year’s elections in Senegal with Sadikh Niass, Secretary General of the African Meeting for the Defence of Human Rights (Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme,RADDHO), andIba Sarr, Director of Programmes at RADDHO.RADDHO is a national civil society organisation (CSO) based in Dakar, Senegal. It works for the protection and promotion of human rights at the national, regional and international levels through research, analysis and advocacy aimed at providing early warning and preventing conflict.
What are the conditions for civil society in Senegal?
Senegalese civil society remains very active but faces a number of difficulties linked to the restriction of civic space. It is subjected to many verbal attacks by lobbies close to the government, which consider them to be opponents or promoters of ‘counter-values’ such as homosexuality. It is also confronted with restrictions on freedom of assembly. Civil society works in difficult conditions with few financial and material resources. Human rights organisations receive no financial support from the state.
The situation is becoming more tense as we approach the February 2024 elections. Since March 2021, the most radical opposition and the government have opted for confrontation. The government is trying to weaken the opposition by reducing it to a minimum. It is particularly targeting the most dynamic opposition group, the Yewi Askan Wi (‘Liberate the People’) coalition, whose main leader, Ousmane Sonko, is currently in detention.
All opposition demonstrations are systematically banned. Spontaneous demonstrations are violently repressed and result in arrests. The judiciary was instrumentalised to prevent the candidacy of the main opponent to the regime, Sonko, and the main leaders of his party have been arrested.
In recent years, we have also seen an upsurge in verbal, physical and legal threats against journalists, which is a real setback for the right to freedom of information.
What will be at stake in the 2024 presidential election?
With the discovery of oil and gas, Senegal is becoming an attractive destination for investors. Transparent management of these resources remains a challenge in a context marked by an upsurge in terrorist acts. Poverty-stricken populations see this discovery as a means of improving their standard of living. With the breakthrough of the opposition in the 2022 local and legislative elections, we sense that the electorate is increasingly expressing its desire for transparency, justice and improved socio-economic conditions.
On 3 July 2023, the incumbent president declared that he would not compete in the next elections. This declaration could offer a glimmer of hope for a free and transparent election. But the fact that the state is being tempted to prevent leading opposition figures from running poses a major risk of the country descending into turbulence.
Civil society remains alert and is working to ensure that the 2024 elections are inclusive, free and transparent. To this end, it has stepped up its efforts to promote dialogue among political players. CSOs are also working through several platforms to support the authorities in organising peaceful elections by monitoring the process before, during and after the poll.
What triggered the recent demonstrations? What are the protesters’ demands and how has the government responded?
The recent protests were triggered by Sonko’s sentencing to two years in prison on 1 June 2023. On that day, a court ruled on the so-called ‘Sweet Beauty’ case, in which a young woman working in a massage parlour accused Sonko of raping her and making death threats against her. Sonko was acquitted of the death threats, but the rape charges were reclassified as ‘corruption of youth’.
This conviction was compounded by Sonko’s arrest on 31 July 2023 and the dissolution of his political party, PASTEF – short for ‘Senegalese African patriots for work, ethics and fraternity’ in French.
Protesters are driven by the feeling that their leader is being persecuted and that the cases for which he has been convicted only serve to prevent him taking part in the forthcoming elections. Their main demand is the release of their leader and those illegally detained.
Faced with these demonstrations, the government has opted for repression. The authorities consider that they are facing acts of defiance towards the state and have called on the security forces to use force.
Repression has resulted in the deaths of more than 30 people and more than 600 injured since March 2021, when the repression first began. In addition to the loss of life and injuries, more than 700 people have been arrested and are languishing in Senegal’s prisons. We have also noted the arrest of journalists, as well as the interruption of television signals and the restriction of some internet services.
How is Senegalese civil society, including RADDHO, working to defend human rights?
RADDHO works at the national level to help victims of human rights violations and carries out awareness-raising, human rights education and capacity-building activities.
RADDHO collaborates with regional and international mechanisms, notably the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the United Nations Human Rights Council. To this end, we carry out a number of activities to raise awareness of legal instruments for the protection and promotion of human rights. As an observer member of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, we regularly participate in civil society forums during the Commission’s sessions. RADDHO also coordinates the CSO coalition for the follow-up and implementation of the recommendations of the United Nations Universal Periodic Review for Senegal.
What international support is Senegalese civil society receiving and what additional support would it need?
To fulfil their missions, Senegalese CSOs receive support from international institutions such as the European Union, the bilateral cooperation agencies of the USA and Sweden, USAID and SIDA, and organisations and foundations such as Oxfam NOVIB in the Netherlands, NED in the United States, NID in India and the Ford Foundation, among others. However, because Senegal has long been considered a stable country, support remains insufficient.
Given the growing restrictions on civic space of recent years and the political crisis, civil society needs support to better assist victims of human rights violations, to contribute to the emergence of a genuine human rights culture and to work towards widening civic space and strengthening the rule of law, democracy and good governance.
Civic space in Senegal is rated ‘obstructed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with RADDHOthrough itswebsite orFacebook page, and follow@Raddho_Africa on Twitter.
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The UN must act to protect civilians & human rights defenders & hold Russia accountable
Statement at the 49th Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Urgent Debate on Ukraine
Delivered by Susan Wilding
CIVICUS stands in solidarity with the people of Ukraine and calls for a swift, unified and targeted international response on Russia.
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Timor-Leste: Civil society has played a critical role in strengthening democracy, but civic space shortfalls remain
Statement at the 50th Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Adoption of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) report of Timor-Leste
Delivered by Marta da Silva, La'o Hamutuk
Thank you, Mr President.
La'o Hamutuk, JSMP, HAK, Forum Asia and CIVICUS welcome the government of Timor-Leste’s engagement with the UPR process.
Civil society played a critical role in achieving Timor-Leste’s sovereignty and strengthening democracy, and human rights defenders, journalists and other civil society members are largely able to work without fear of reprisals.
However, there is still more to be done to strengthen the right to freedom of expression. Some journalists have faced threats, and some practise self-censorship to deal with such intimidation. We welcome that Timor-Leste accepted a recommendation to revise the Media Law, which contains provisions that can undermine freedom of expression and media freedom. During the review, states also made recommendations in relation to attempts by the government to introduce draft laws that could further stifle freedom of expression, including the proposed Criminal Defamation Law and Cyber Crime Law. We are further alarmed by restrictions on the right to peaceful assembly and the arbitrary arrests of protesters.
We call on Timor-Leste to address these concerns and ensure a safe, secure and enabling environment for human rights defenders and journalists to carry out their work. Specifically, the government should implement recommendations relating to civic space and:
- Revise the Media Law to ensure it is in line with international standards and refrain from introducing new laws or provisions limiting either offline or online expression.
- Ensure that journalists and civil society organisations can work freely and without fear of retribution for expressing critical opinions or covering topics that the government may deem sensitive.
- Ensure that human rights defenders are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear or undue hindrance, obstruction or harassment and adopt a specific law to ensure the protection of human rights defenders.
- Amend the Law on Freedom of Assembly and Demonstration to guarantee fully the right to the freedom of peaceful assembly in line with international law and standards.
- Improve avenues for transparency and public participation in policy-development to ensure that all citizens’ needs and wishes are heard.
We thank you.
Civic space in Timor Leste is rated as "Obstructed" by the CIVICUS Monitor
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UGANDA: ‘Shrinking civic space means affected communities are not able to make their voices count’
CIVICUS discusses the hopes and roles of civil society at the forthcoming COP28 climate summit with Ireen Twongirwe, a climate activist and CEO of Women for Green Economy Movement Uganda (WoGEM).WoGEM is a community-based civil society organisation (CSO) dedicated to advocating for and promoting women’s and girls’ participation in a greener economy. It brings together vulnerable women and girls and equips them with knowledge and capacities to engage in the search for sustainable community livelihoods and climate change mitigation and resilience efforts.
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UN Member States must hold South Africa accountable for the escalating crackdown on human rights defenders
Statement at the 51st Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Item 6 General Debate
Delivered by Mqapheli Bonono, Abahlali baseMjondolo
Mr. President,
This Council recognises that civil society is a critical component of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process.
As we look forward to South Africa’s UPR in November, we cannot be silent on the killing of human rights defenders, particularly those working to defend land, housing and environmental rights, as well as corruption activists.
I address you today with all the pain I carry from South Africa as the Deputy President of Abahlali baseMjondolo, a social movement of shack dwellers fighting for the right to housing, land, and dignity of the poor.
It is my colleague, Lindokuhle Mnguni, the chairperson of the eKhenana Commune, who should be addressing you. Last month, Lindokuhle was gunned down for fighting for land and equality in South Africa. He was 28 years old. In the last six months, our movement has had to bury four of our members murdered by the police and suspected members of the ruling party.[1]
Since 2009, 24 members of Abahlali baseMjondolo were killed with only two convictions secured. I was arbitrarily detained for 20 days on fabricated charges. Land and housing defenders are increasingly at risk in South Africa.
The South Africa UPR is an opportunity for the country to address these violations, including the root causes leading to the killings of Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) with impunity.
We call on States to submit strong recommendations for South Africa to address historically unresolved issues of land, security of tenure and adequate housing; to adopt legislation that ensures the protection and promotion of HRDs and to allow Special Rapporteurs on housing and HRDs to visit the country.
South Africa is contesting membership to the Human Rights Council. It must fulfill to the highest standards its obligations as enshrined in the Constitution and under International conventions.
Thank you.
[1] For more information, see letterendorsed by more than 100 civil society organisations
Civic space in South Africa is rated as Obstructed by the CIVICUS Monitor
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Venezuela: the lack of guarantees for fundamental freedoms requires the Council's continuous scrutiny
Statement at the 52nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Interactive Dialogue on the High Commissioner oral update on Venezuela
Delivered by Marysabel Rodríguez,
Thank you Mr President,
In Venezuela there are no guarantees for freedom of expression, peaceful protest and the right to association. Violations of civil liberties affect demands for economic and social rights.
In 2022, at least 80 radio stations were closed down by government orders. Arbitrary and non-transparent management by the National Telecommunications Commission has left most radio stations in legal uncertainty for years.
The "anti-hate law" continues to be used against people for expressing themselves. At least 11 arbitrary arrests were recorded last year.
Social protest is repressed. In recent days public workers and teachers have been harassed, dismissed and threatened. Strikes are criminalised; in January, 18 workers of the Venezuelan Guyana Corporation were arrested and prosecuted for demanding better working conditions.
Two legal initiatives to regulate the right of association are advancing. if passed, they will consolidate the criminalisation of individuals, collectives and organisations engaged in social, humanitarian and human rights work. None of the draft laws are publicly accessible nor have they been officially released.
We urge this Council to maintain its attention on Venezuela and we ask the High Commissioner what the Council can do to consolidate OHCHR presence in the country, to support the work of the Fact Finding Mission and any initiative that avoids further restrictions to civic space in the country.
Thank you very much.
Civic space in Venezuela is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor