🇹🇳#Tunisia: Authorities must exercise restraint amidst political tensions & refrain from the use of excessive force.

Our statement on the recent events & concerns about emergency powers being used to stifle democracy: https://t.co/VpKQo8CPlc pic.twitter.com/jPrwW5333b

— CIVICUS (@CIVICUSalliance) July 30, 2021

French | Arabic

Tunisian authorities must refrain from the use of excessive force amid political tensions. 
 
On 25 July people took to the streets in several cities in Tunisia expressing concerns over the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the roll out of vaccinations and the dire economic situation that Tunisians are facing.

CIVICUS, a global alliance for civil society, is concerned about the violent attacks against protesters in Tunisia and calls on Tunisian authorities to exercise restraint amidst political tensions and to respect human rights.  

Following a day of anti-government protests, President Kais Saied proceeded to invoke emergency powers, most of which are against Tunisia’s constitution suspending Parliament for 30 days and dismissing Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi. The ministers of Justice and Defence were also dismissed. A month-long curfew was imposed together with additional restrictions which prevent people from moving between cities outside of the curfew except for urgent health reasons. The authorities have also imposed restrictions on freedom of peaceful assembly prohibiting gatherings of more than three people in public places.

On 26 July, 20 heavily armed police officers  raided the offices of international media outlet, Al-Jazeera, confiscated equipment and expelled staff from its premises. This raises serious concerns for press freedoms in the country.

“President Saied should not use the current crisis and emergency powers to stifle democracy including, freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly in Tunisia. The consistent use of violence against peaceful protesters is  a worrying trend and the use of emergency measures to limit fundamental rights, under the guise of the COVID19 pandemic are an affront to democracy and a serious threat to gains made during pro-democracy protests ten years ago,” said Aarti Narsee, civic space researcher. 

The imposition of current emergency measures in response to anti-government protests is reminiscent of an ongoing trend where demonstrations highlighting concerns on social and economic issues affecting Tunisians are violently repressed by the authorities. In January 2021,  security forces used excessive force, which included tear gas, water cannon and physical violence, against protesters, with one protester being killed as a result and thousands were arrested, including minors. Authorities also targeted human rights defenders and those who spoke out about the dire economic situation in Tunisia.

Background:
Civic space restrictions continue in Tunisia ten years after protests forced a political transition and human rights defenders, journalists and activists who raise concerns over human rights violations are targeted by the authorities. Freedom of assembly has been significantly curtailed under Covid-19-related emergency measures which have banned gatherings at different times.  In October 2020 security forces violently repressed peaceful protesters who demonstrated against legislation that would grant immunity to security personnel in front of Parliament in Tunis. Most of the protests are driven by the impact of a deteriorating economy, increases in the prices of basic communities and high levels of impunity enjoyed by security forces. After Sunday’s protests the President has assumed executive authority with the help of a new Prime Minister which he is going to select. In principle, the Prime Minister should be elected by Parliament, which is controlled by the Ennahda party, with which the President has a long standing feud.

Civic space in Tunisia is rated as Obstructed by the CIVICUS Monitor.

By Rawand Boussama, Afrika Youth Movement

The day I arrived to Ghana, I had the opportunity to network with people from Greece, Sudan and Nigeria. One of the participants, after knowing that I came from Tunisia, asked me whether I identify as African or not since North Africa is always related to the Middle East than to the rest of Africa. I responded, “I am an African". The last day, I talked to him again and told him: “After my stay in Accra, I have truly found my African identity, and now, in all self-confidence, I can tell you that I belong to this continent that I carry in my heart and soul”.

During the four days of the Afrika Youth Movement (AYM) retreat in Ghana, I had the chance to meet people from 14 different countries. I felt in each workshop or panel that I had travelled to a different African country. I was astonished by the quality of the interventions of AYM members. We dug deeper into the issues of African youth and the solutions in order to implement our mission and achieve our vision as a movement aiming for transforming this continent.

The experience was very inspirational and motivating and had an impact on me both personally and professionally. Knowing that it was my first trip out of Tunisia, the experience was so exciting, unique and full of learning and sharing. I have learnt how to be responsible for myself, to articulate my views especially because I was representing my country and the whole of North Africa. It was my duty to give an image about our culture, our situation and our history.

The five days of the AYM retreat and forum were full of new knowledge for me. It was the first time I heard people discussing Pan-Africanism and understanding its history and how we are redefining it. The first day, we focused on team building, ground rules and networking while the second day, we dug deeper into the roadmap, strategy and structure of AYM Hubs across the continent. Through group work and art of hosting methods, we developed a code of conduct, governance structure and working methods of the hubs and national action plans.

Guest article by Amine Ghali

Read this press release in Arabic, French, Portuguese and Spanish

Civil society around the globe is “contested and under pressure” according to a 22-country research findings report released by CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance, and The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL). The report, Contested and Under Pressure: A Snapshot of the Enabling Environment of Civil Society in 22 Countries, brings together insights from Enabling Environment National Assessments (EENA) conducted around the world between 2013 and 2016.

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Tunisia: More than 100 civil society organisations have endorsed a statement calling for an end to restrictions in Tunisia.                                                                  

🇹🇳President Kaïs Saïed has, in the past year, implemented several decisions aimed at consolidating power in the hands of the executive!
🚨Are we witnessing a gradual slide towards authoritarianism in #Tunisia❓
More info at https://t.co/smyRBBd4Af
⏬⏬⏬⏬ pic.twitter.com/F2q3GKvg94

— CIVICUS (@CIVICUSalliance) March 22, 2022

CIVICUS makes UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) submissions on civil society space in Algeria, Brazil, Ecuador, India, Indonesia, Philippines, Poland, South Africa, Tunisia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

The United Nations Human Rights Council's Universal Periodic Review is a unique process which involves a review of the human rights records of all 193 UN Member States once every 4.5 years.

CIVICUS and its partners have submitted UN Universal Periodic Review (UPR) submissions on ten countries in advance of the 41^st UPR session in October-November 2022, which marks the beginning of the 4^th UPR cycle. The submissions examine the state of civil society in each country, including the promotion and protection of the rights to freedom of association, assembly and expression and the environment for human rights defenders. We further provide an assessment of the States’ domestic implementation of civic space recommendations received during the 3^rd UPR cycle over 4 years ago and provide a number of targeted follow-up recommendations. 

Algeria  -  See consolidated report | See full version in English: The submission by CIVICUS, Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, ARTICLE 19, Front Line Defenders, FIDH, MENA Rights Group, the Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LADDH), SHOAA, and Alter’Solidaire highlights our concerns around the use of violence and restrictive legislation limiting freedom of expression and targeting protesters.  It also documents the arrests of journalists, the targeting of civil society organisations and the attacks on human rights under the pretext of countering terrorism. 

Brazil - See consolidated report | See full versions in English and Portuguese: CIVICUS and Instituto Igarapé examine the deterioration of civic space in Brazil, highlighting legal and extra-legal measures that have restricted freedom of expression and the participation of civil society in policymaking. The submission shows that violence against human rights defenders and journalists is widespread and continues to take place with impunity as the environment for civil society worsens.

Ecuador - See consolidated report | See full versions in English and Spanish: CIVICUS and Fundación Ciudadanía y Desarrollo (FCD) assess the important reforms removing legal restrictions on the freedoms of association and expression in Ecuador, while also highlighting the lack of institutional mechanisms to protect and promote an enabling environment for civil society, human rights defenders (HRDs) and journalists. We discuss the recurrent judicial harassment, criminalisation and violence of these actors and the repeated repression of protests. 

India - See consolidated report | See full version in English: This submission by CIVICUS and Human Rights Defenders Alert – India (HRDA) highlights the continued use of the draconian Foreign Contributions Regulation Act (FCRA) by the authorities to target CSOs, block foreign funding and investigate organisations that are critical of the government. It also documents the continued judicial harassment of human rights defenders and journalists and the use of repressive security laws to keep them detained as well as restrictions on and excessive use of force against protesters.

Indonesia -  See consolidated report | See full version in English: In this UPR submission, CIVICUS, The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (ELSAM), and YAPPIKA-ActionAid highlight, among other issues, the implementation of legal restrictions concerning civic space and fundamental freedoms, increased scrutiny and excessive use of force by authorities to control both offline and online civic space and the heightened repression against marginalised groups including people from and who work on the issue of Papua/West Papua.

The Philippines - See consolidated report | See full version in English: In this joint submission, CIVICUS and Karapatan detail systematic intimidation, attacks and vilification of civil society and activists, an increased crackdown on media freedoms and the emerging prevalence of a pervasive culture of impunity in the Philippines over the last five years. Often, crackdowns have taken place under the guise of anti-terrorism or national security interests. We further note that a joint programme on human rights between the Philippines and the UN established in July 2021 has not, to date, resulted in any tangible human rights improvement.

Poland - See consolidated report | See full version in English: CIVICUS and the Committee for the Defence of Democracy – Komitet Obrony Demokracji (KOD) highlight our concerns of the dismantling of judicial independence and the rule of law by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) Party, which has been used as a tool to violate civic freedoms. In this joint submission we examine cases of women HRDs (WHRDs) advocating for reproductive justice and LGBTQI+ defenders who are facing judicial harassment and intimidation. In addition, we assess the state of freedom of expression, with repeated attempts to diminish media independence through restrictive legislation, government allies acquiring ownership of major media outlets and the filing of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) against independent media.

South Africa - See consolidated report | See full version in English:  In this joint submission, CIVICUS, Human Rights Institute of South Africa (HURISA) and the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) highlight threats, intimidation and attacks against human rights defenders (HRD), in particular women HRDs (WHRDs) and those defending land and environmental rights, housing rights and whistleblowers. Furthermore, the submission addresses concerns over the continued use of force by security forces in response to protests and legal restrictions which undermine the freedom of expression and opinion.

Tunisia – See consolidated report | See full version in English: In this submission, CIVICUS and the Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND) highlight the increased deterioration of civic space in Tunisia, particularly since July 2021, when President Kais Saied suspended the parliament. Activists and journalists have faced increased attacks, prosecution and arrests, while access to information has been limited and media outlets have faced restrictions. In addition, the submission examines the government’s attempts to introduce restrictive legislation that could unduly limit the right to association.

The United Kingdom – See consolidated report | See full version in English: CIVICUS highlights our concerns on the UK government’s repeated attempts to unduly restrict the right to the freedom of peaceful assembly. We examine how the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill (PCSCB), introduced in March 2021, seeks to unduly limit this right. We discuss cases in which protesters advocating for climate justice and racial justice have faced undue restrictions, including detentions and excessive force. We also highlight how several laws have been used to unduly limit press and media freedoms.

Civic space in the United Kingdom is rated as Narrowedby the CIVICUS Monitor. In Brazil, Ecuador, Indonesia, Poland, South Africa, Tunisia it is rated as Obstructed,whereas in Algeria, India, The Philippines civic space is rated as Repressed. 

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The undersigned organizations express their deep concern at the risk of refoulement of an Algerian asylum seeker - Zakaria Hannache - present in Tunisia since August 2022. Tunisian authorities must under no circumstances repeat the dangerous precedent set by the kidnapping and refoulement of Algerian refugee Slimane Bouhafs on 25 August, 2021, about which no investigation has been opened to date in Tunisia.

CIVICUS speaks about the prospects for democracy in Tunisia following the president’s July 2021 power grab with Amine Ghali, director of Al Kawakibi Democracy Transition Center (KADEM). KADEM is a civil society organisation (CSO) aimed at promoting civil society’s contribution to democracy and transitional justice in Tunisia and the wider region, through awareness-raising, capacity-strengthening and documentation. 

CIVICUS speaks about Tunisia’s 25 July constitutional referendum with Amine Ghali, director of Al Kawakibi Democracy Transition Center (KADEM). 

KADEM is a civil society organisation (CSO) that aims to promote civil society’s contribution to democracy and transitional justice in Tunisia and the wider Middle East and North Africa region, through awareness-raising, capacity-building and documentation.

Why is President Kais Saied holding a constitutional referendum on 25 July?

Changing the constitution or revising it is part of the president’s private project – a plan he didn’t announce either when running for the presidency in 2019 or during his first two years in office. This all started with President Saied dismissing the prime minister and suspending parliament in July 2021.

At that time, he didn’t even announce the revision of the constitution. It was only in mid-December that the president had to spell out a roadmap under international and local pressure. At the heart of Saied’s roadmap is a new constitution.

Unlike the 2014 constitution, which was based on broad consensus, the process leading to a constitutional referendum didn’t gain public support. When people were asked their opinion on revising the constitution, as part of online consultation organised in early 2022, only around 30 per cent of respondents agreed. Still, the president has gone ahead with the constitutional review process, with a referendum campaign asking Tunisians to vote ‘yes’ to ‘correct the course of the revolution’.

To what extent has civil society engaged in the process leading to the upcoming referendum?

Civil society has gone through unprecedented times in recent months. When it comes to its stance on the issue, in broad terms civil society has mostly been either silent or supportive.

At the start of the president’s July 2021 power grab, some civil society activists who were fed up with problems we have encountered in the past few years, with an inefficient democracy, saw Saied’s move as a political attempt to correct the trajectory of our democracy. One of Saied’s early promises was to fight corruption and bad governance.

But as soon as the president revealed his intention to change the constitution, political parties, influential people and some civil society groups started to oppose him. 

Civil society is not one group or in one position – of course there is some diversity. The most vocal and influential groups are critical of him, especially since the planned new constitution was shared with the public; they realised its aim is not to ‘restore democracy’, but rather attack it. Now many are trying to stop the referendum process happening.

How has civil society organised against the referendum?

Although civil society’s response is late, they have recently used a range of means to oppose the referendum. Coalitions have been built, civil society has published position papers, conferences have been held.

Some groups are calling for a boycott of the referendum while others are trying to bring a case to court, although they do so in the face of presidential attack on justice: in June the president fired 57 judges, accusing them of corruption and protecting ‘terrorists’. In protest against judicial interference, Tunisian judges went on strike, only returning to work very recently.

The Tunisian League of Human Rights, a prominent CSO, has called on the president to withdraw his proposal and instead enter a wider dialogue with Tunisian society. 

How free and fair might the referendum be?

When democratic transition took place in 2011 our country strived to create independent institutions such as the electoral commission and an anti-corruption body, among others. The proposed constitution dissolved almost all these independent bodies.

The only one it keeps is the electoral commission, which President Saied seized control of in May by firing its members and appointing new ones. In February he dissolved the High Judicial Council, as well as sacking the judges in June. 

Given that context, the independence of this ‘independent commission’ running the referendum, and the integrity of the whole election, must be questioned.

What are your expectations for the results, and what impact will they have on the quality of democracy?

By examining the latest polls on President Saied’s approval ratings, he still has huge public support. But this is the result of his populism. He is a populist president and populism – at least in its early years – has many supporters. But once a populist president fails to deliver on their promises, they lose popularity and support. In Tunisia, we are still going through the early stages of populism.

Despite his popularity, I believe that his upcoming referendum will have a very low participation rate. With a small turnout, the legitimacy of the result will be questioned.

But the president and his regime don’t care about legitimacy. For example, when the national consultation took place months ago, it was a complete failure in terms of the participation rate. Yet President Saied used it as a justification to hold this referendum. 

If the referendum is approved, it will be followed by parliamentary elections in December, according to his roadmap; parliament was dissolved in April. Meanwhile, there will probably be several ‘reforms’ and new laws. I am afraid to say that the next phase is quite scary because the president has the ultimate power to change laws without any checks and balances, in the absence of an independent judiciary, constitutional court and parliament. 

Democracy means the separation of powers, checks and balances, and participation, but all of these have been cancelled by the president since July 2021. He has tightened his grip over the entire executive body, the entire legislative body, and even part of the judiciary. With an attack on the judiciary, we can count less on judges to be the ultimate defenders of rights and freedoms. Our democracy is probably at its worst level since the 2010 revolution that ousted autocrat Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.

The human rights situation is worsening with the decline of democracy. We have witnessed several human rights violations, some of which reminded us of the kind of abuses that were committed during the early years of the revolution. The difference between that time and now is the absence of any accountability. The president hasn’t been held accountable for any decision he has made during the last year. 

From our side, civil society has condemned these violations, but it was not enough, so we have been trying to network with various defenders of democracy in Tunisia as well as abroad. In the next phase, civil society will continue its pressure and mobilise against any deviations from democracy, given that the new constitution will guarantee the president extensive powers and open the doors for further violations.

How has the international community responded? 

We feel the international community has left Tunisia behind. The international community is offering a very weak response to this attack on democracy and the loss of a democratic country. The community of democratic countries is not putting in much effort to keep Tunisia within its family.

Many of us are very disappointed by their reactions to the closure of parliament and what followed. The result is a very bad draft constitution that will probably cancel Tunisia’s democracy. But there has been no solid response from democratic friends of Tunisia.

In this way, they encourage the president to commit more violations. These countries are back to their policies of the past decades in prioritising security and stability over democracy and human rights in our region.

Civic space in Tunisia is rated ‘obstructed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with KADEM through itswebsite or itsFacebook page. 

In the run-up to the 25th anniversary of theBeijing Platform for Action, due in September 2020, CIVICUS is interviewing civil society activists, leaders and experts about the progress achieved and the challenges ahead. Focused on eliminating violence against women, ensuring access to family planning and reproductive healthcare, removing barriers to women’s participation in decision-making and providing decent jobs and equal pay for equal work, the Beijing Platform for Action was adopted at the United Nations’ (UN)Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995. After 25 years, significant but unequal progress has occurred, not least as the result of incessant civil society efforts, but no country has yet achieved gender equality.

CIVICUS and the Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND) speak to Ramy Khouili, director of the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (Association Tunisienne des Femmes Démocrates, ATFD). Founded in 1989 by the autonomous feminist movement in response to state feminism, ATFD promotes gender equality in all areas, from the political sphere to socio-economic rights, including women’s sexual, bodily and reproductive rights, and fights against all forms of discrimination and violence against women.

What is the situation of women’s rights in Tunisia? How much has been achieved so far?

About a month after independence in 1956, the Code of Personal Status was enacted. Up until now, it is still seen as the most progressive and revolutionary personal status code in the region because it abolished polygamy, instituted civil marriage and abolished repudiation and many forms of degradation of women. Ever since then, we had a very peculiar situation, as state feminism prevailed in the public sphere. We lived under a dictatorship for almost 50 years, but Tunisia was always praised as a good example when it came to women’s rights in the region. That praise took women hostage, denying them the right to real equality. So an autonomous feminist movement was founded and it made it its mission to denounce that the situation was not as good as the regime presented, which caused it a lot of trouble.

Following the 2011 revolution there was a comeback of Islamist and conservative groups, and women’s rights were thus threatened. Between 2011 and 2014, during the process to draft a new constitution, the Islamist majority tried to impose a new concept of ‘complementarity’, instead of equality, between women and men. It took a lot of efforts from civil society organisations (CSOs) and street mobilisations to challenge this. As a result, Article 21 of the Tunisian Constitution now clearly states that women and men are equal before the law and prohibits any form of discrimination.

It took a social movement to come up with a Constitution that is widely hailed as the most progressive in the region. A last-minute addition, Article 46, recognises the role of the state in fighting violence against women, establishes that the state has a responsibility to promote and protect the rights of women and prohibits any regression in women’s rights.

Since then we have achieved many further legal changes. An anti-human trafficking law was passed in 2016 and an anti-violence law was approved in 2017, which was the first of its kind in the region and was mostly written by civil society activists and feminist organisations. In terms of political representation, the law on political parties enacted in 2011 established that all electoral lists must have gender parity. 

What challenges remain?

On the ground, the situation is different from the law, as inequalities are still very present. Many discriminations persist in practice. Statistics are alarming. Half of all women have been victims of some form of violence. Socio-economic crises have worse impacts on women than on men. Among women, the unemployment rate is almost double the rate for men. Women’s access to land is limited: only four per cent of women own land, although they make up almost 90 per cent of the agricultural labour force. 

For a long time, Tunisia was known as the good example when it came to family planning and reproductive health, as family planning and reproductive health programmes were established in the 1950s and 1960s, and women were granted abortion rights in the early 1970s, even before many European countries. But since the revolution, we have noticed that state authorities have taken a step back when it comes to social services, especially in the areas of education, health and sexual and reproductive health. Access to contraceptives and abortion is becoming more limited, and unmet needs in terms of sexual and reproductive rights are increasing, which is alarming.

In 2019 we submitted, along with other Tunisian CSOs, a shadow report tracking progress towards the goals of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and laying out the challenges ahead. Our report presented a very different view from the Tunisian government’s. One of our biggest concerns is that Tunisia is a Muslim-majority country and that when the Beijing Platform for Action and Action Plan were adopted, the state of Tunisia submitted a declaration – common to other Muslim-majority countries – saying that it would not commit to any measures that might contradict the values of Islam. Article 1 of the new Constitution states that Tunisia is a Muslim country. That declaration is still in place. Although the state of Tunisia has lifted most of its reservations on the Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, it didn’t lift its reservations on the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. So challenges remain both in law and practice.

How has the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated those challenges, and what is civil society doing to address them?

At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic the ATFD issued a warning to the Tunisian authorities stating our concerns about the period of lockdown, when many women would have to stay at home with their aggressors. We were right, as the number of instances of gender-based violence kept rising under lockdown. The Ministry of Women Affairs said that the amount of calls received through the emergency phone line set up by the government had multiplied fivefold. In our counselling centres we also witnessed a peak, as the number of women who were victims of violence and sought our help increased. The situation got more difficult as people started getting more aggressive. But at the same time, it became much more difficult to go to a police station or seek health services, so access to services decreased. Women have felt isolated and compelled to continue living with their aggressors during lockdown.

Most of the courts were also closed during lockdown and we had to lobby with the high council of the judicial system and the Minister of Justice to include cases of violence against women amongst the emergency cases they were tackling during lockdown. Fortunately, they accepted. 

Access to sexual and reproductive health services was also affected because women could not get out and seek these services for fear of the virus. We had to collaborate with the Minister of Health and Women Affairs to find solutions for this situation and we are now trying to find a way to ensure the continuity of reproductive health services.

In addition, the socio-economic rights of women have been further impacted upon. Due to the economic crisis that came with the pandemic, many women lost their jobs, or are not getting paid. Many women in Tunisia work in the informal sector so they could not continue their work and were left without any income. This is affecting their ability to take care of themselves and their families. We have been working with a group of women domestic workers on a study about the situation of domestic workers in Tunisia. The situation is really alarming because domestic workers cannot work during lockdown and have no other source of income. Although the informal sector represents a large part of the economy, the relief measures adopted by the government only apply to the formal sector. In addition, government aid was given to families, but according to Tunisian law it is men who are the head of the family, so money goes mostly to men. In cases of conflict, violence or separation, women won’t have access to government aid.

We have done a lot of advocacy with the authorities because the official response has failed to consider the gendered aspects of the pandemic. We have worked with most ministries. We met with most ministerial departments to raise awareness. We sent policy papers and open letters. We continued to deliver services in our counselling centres, which are still operating. We also adapted these services to be delivered by phone. We launched a campaign on violence against women during the pandemic, which was followed by thousands of people and was a big success. As a result, the Middle East and North Africa region department of Facebook got in touch with us and now we are working in partnership with them to increase audiences for future campaigns. We will also establish communication channels with Facebook to report violence and hatred on social media.

What restrictions on the freedoms to organise, speak up and protest have you faced during the pandemic, and what are you doing to overcome them?

We haven’t faced restrictions from the government, although our presence in the public space has been affected because it is not possible to hold demonstrations. Demonstrations are something that we are used to doing, because it works to occupy the public space and say, ‘we are here and we are asking for this and that’. This is something we now cannot do, but we are moving to a new phase of the lockdown and it might soon start to get a little easier, so we are thinking of new ways to protest while respecting social distancing. We are reflecting on how to adapt our mobilisation tactics. We are focusing on social media as well as traditional media to communicate our messages and talk about the problems we face, to reach out to the highest possible number of people. We are also attempting to diversify our ways of communication to reach out to different categories of target groups.

We are also establishing a coalition with the journalists’ trade union, the Tunisian League of Human Rights and other organisations to work on the human rights impacts of response to the pandemic.

Many donors and partners have been very flexible because it was obvious that we could not continue acting as if nothing had changed. We had to adapt many of our activities, postpone others and relocate budget towards social aid. Most of our partners were very understanding and we have had good discussions with them to readjust our plans to the situation created by the pandemic. However, we also had issues with donors who decreased salaries for this period.

Besides tackling the urgent issues, we are also in a process of reflection internally and with our partners and allies. We want to see some positive change as a result of the pandemic. We want a more just and equal society in which everyone feels included. The pandemic has revealed some underlying issues that the government chose to ignore for a long time, but that now will need to be addressed, such as a failing healthcare system.

What support does Tunisian civil society need from the international community?

The main form of support is to work together. We have to work together because we have the knowledge from the ground, while international organisations have bigger networks and are able to work in a variety of contexts and have access to international mechanisms and the ability to influence the international agenda. For an effective partnership, we must work together to influence both the national and the international levels. The pandemic has shown us that some of the big issues cannot be tackled at the national level, but that we should also work at the international level and in collaboration with regional networks. If the two are put together I think we can achieve greater impact. 

Civic space in Tunisia is rated as ‘obstructed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with theTunisian Association of Democratic Womenthrough itsFacebook page and follow@atfd_tunisie on Twitter andfemmes_democrates on Instagram.

CIVICUS speaks about the impacts of the climate crisis in Tunisia and civil society responses with Aziza Fakher, a biology-geology engineering student and member of Youth for Climate Tunisia (YFC Tunisia).

Founded by two students in July 2019, YFC Tunisia strives for social and climate justice in Tunisia. It acknowledges the impact of the climate crisis on vulnerable and marginalised communities and demands climate action through digital campaigns and on-the-ground mobilisation.

What prompted the foundation of YFC Tunisia, and what issues do you currently work on?

The movement was started during the 2019 heatwave, which hit the whole of Tunisia and was so bad that you couldn’t leave your home without first getting properly hydrated.

Due to its diversity of ecosystems and landscapes, Tunisia faces multiple climate issues. Access to water is a human right, but here it is a very challenging issue. Receding coastlines put the lives of many Tunisians living on islands in peril. The coastline as a whole is endangered.

We are also working with other civil society organisations (CSOs) to stop industrial pollution in the city of Gabès, which faces an environmental catastrophe. Industries there have destroyed natural ecosystems and Indigenous communities. This fits the definition of ecocide, and the rest of the country should acknowledge it.

All of this has impacted on women in very specific ways. There are rural areas where women still have to carry barrels of water for as far as 10 kilometres. In places such Gabès, they live amid pollution, and for those of reproductive age this can have long-lasting impacts both on themselves and on future generations. 

We advocate for the introduction of climate education in all school curriculums and for exposing women to it as well, so they can transmit it to their children. Although the government has signed an agreement indicating support, it has so far been passive. CSOs lack funds to get this work done and the state hasn’t intervened or reached out to help.

Why is climate so important for young people in Tunisia?

This is important to us because it’s our future that is at stake. Young people have been very serious and dedicated to tackling this crisis from day one: we have skipped school to fight for the climate, we have helped other CSOs, we have reached out to political figures who have shut us down and refused to meet with us and listen to us. We have played a role in influencing other young people and raising wider awareness, which has been an important goal of the movement since it was founded. Indeed, we are still recruiting more young activists every day and we are able to provide them with a platform and a space to express themselves and their thoughts about the ongoing crisis.

People tend to forget that we are just students fighting for the future in times in which our opinions are disregarded. Many of us are endangering our daily lives, but we think it is worth it.

How has thecurrent political crisis influenced your work?

The political and economic situation has influenced our movement. If one of your main tactics is to reach out to decision-makers to advocate for the adoption and implementation of laws and policies, a constantly changing situation is a big problem. It does not let us get ahead in our work and regularly makes us lose ground on the progress previously made.

When we first held a strike in Tunis, the Tunisian capital, we were exposed to religious conspiracy theories, which people tried to use against us because they refused to believe that climate change was real. Politicians and government officials should have conveyed the correct message to educate the public so that this crisis isn’t something alien and mysterious to them. But they didn’t.

We received backlash and were targeted with criticism and hate speech concerning our methods. Others, however, have said that our discourse is too soft, that we do not take risks and that we are not active in real life. Our response to them is that we are young Tunisians living in a context of political unrest, so our real-life activities are always uncertain.

The economic context for activism is also complicated, especially following the recent news about the president’s intention to ban all foreign funding for Tunisian CSOs.

We have often found ourselves lagging in the funding department. The situation is very difficult for many CSOs that have no independent funding. If we are unable to get funding, we will be unable to work on new projects. We are very uncertain regarding our future plans. And being young activists, we also struggle to exercise our right to access data and information, which is a huge issue in Tunisia.

Additionally, we have faced bureaucratic restrictions. For example, we have recently had to submit our registration paperwork because we are working on climate education and we are not allowed to work with children or in a school or university environment unless we are recognised and certified as a formal CSO. But we have faced challenges because the process is very slow and requires a huge amount of paperwork.

What are your demands for national and international decision-makers ahead of the COP27 climate change summit?

We are aware that activity in the global north has a huge environmental impact on the global south, including Tunisia. Since COP27 will be held in Egypt this year, we have formed a coalition with other environmental rights groups to work at a regional level.

We want to see more engagement from local and global politicians in terms of laws and policies to tackle climate change, and also for them to condemn greedy capitalist profiteers. We would like the Tunisian government to acknowledge the Sustainable Development Goals in the Tunisian context and to implement nationally determined contributions and start a transition to renewable energy.

New laws must also be introduced to protect future generations’ right to water and food security. The Ministry of Environment must adopt climate change mitigation and adaptation measures. Effective waste recovery and management systems must be adopted, because the lack of these is a huge problem for local communities. People have died as a result of living near toxic waste dumps. We also need state-run awareness campaigns targeted at marginalised and vulnerable communities. And we want climate education in all schools, because of its crucial role in preparing kids for the future to come.

We are willing to work together with other CSOs that share our goals. Because these are human rights issues, we would like to bring them into the United Nations Human Rights Council and its Universal Periodic Review sessions, where civil society voices are heard, taken into consideration and empowered.

Civic space in Tunisia is rated ‘obstructed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with Youth for Climate Tunisia through itsFacebook andInstagram pages, and follow@yfctunisia on Twitter.

Statement at the 52nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council

Adoption of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) report of Tunisia

Delivered by Nicola Paccamiccio

Thank you, Mr President.

CIVICUS and Arab NGO Network for Development welcome the government of Tunisia’s engagement with the UPR process.

Since its last review, Tunisia failed to implement any of the recommendations relating to civic space. We regret that Tunisia accepted just 13 of the 22 civic space recommendations it received during this cycle.

In the context of a deep political and economic crisis, President Saïed has issued a number of decrees to consolidate power and weaken the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law. Amidst this, space for civil society is increasingly being restricted in Tunisia, leading to a rating downgraded by the CIVICUS Monitor from obstructed to repressed, the second-worst category, in its annual report. Tunisia’s downgrade comes after its addition to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist in March 2022 following a rapid decline in civic space.

Since July 2021, authorities have investigated or prosecuted over 30 people for their criticism of the government, including activists, journalists, lawyers and members of Tunisia’s dissolved parliament. In addition, the government has issued or initiated decrees that restrict fundamental freedoms. In particular, Decree-law 2022-54, issued in 2022, that criminalises ‘fake news’ and rumours, poses a threat to independent journalism. We regret the government lack of commitment to accept recommendations to repeal the Decree.

Security forces have also raided the offices and confiscated the equipment of many private media outlets, shut down news outlets, evicted their staff and closed down the offices of Al Jazeera, under allegations of not having the proper broadcasting license.

Mr President, we call on the government of Tunisia to take concrete steps to address these concerns, including by withdrawing restrictive legislation that restricts freedom of expression and association.

We thank you.

 Civic space in Tunisia is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor. 

The ongoing arrests and intimidation of activists and members of the political opposition, journalists and activists is another strategy by President Kais Saied to silence critics and further restrict civic space, global civil society alliance CIVICUS said today. 

Over the last several days at least 12 people including  a journalist, political figures, activists, lawyers and judges have been arbitrarily arrested in a move synonymous to a period in July 2021 when President Saied consolidated power to entrench his authority. Those arrested have been labelled “traitors” by President Saied who has also threatened anyone who defends them. President Saied also informed a National Security Council meeting that migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa are part of a campaign to change the demographic composition of Tunisia in order to make it “purely Africa.” 

On 24 February, the police arrested a prominent opposition member and one of the leaders of the National Salvation Front -  Jawher Ben Mbarek without disclosing the charges against him. His father, also a member of the political opposition had been held for several hours a day before. On 13 February, the authorities arrested journalist and director of Mosaique FM Radio Nourredine Boutar and accused him of “illicit enrichment,” and money laundering. His arrest is related to hosting a segment of Mosaique Radio called “Midi Show” which is critical of the authorities. Boutar was interrogated by security forces about the content produced by the radio and the journalists they employ. Before that on 22 February, officers from the counterterrorism unit arrested two members of the political opposition - Issam Chebbi and Chaima Issa from the Jomhouri party and National Salvation Front respectively.  The authorities have not provided any evidence to substantiate the reasons they provide for the arrests.  

“After consolidating his power over the last two years, President Saied is now arresting critics of his actions to send a strong message to Tunisians that those who voice their opposing views will be subjected to arbitrary arrests and judicial harassment. In the space of several years, President Saied has reversed the consolidated democratic gains that began a decade ago”says David Kode, Advocacy and Campaigns Lead, CIVICUS.

Members of the political opposition, activists, lawyers and former judges continue to be targeted and prosecuted for expressing views that are critical of the authorities. Human rights lawyer Ayachi Hammani is currently facing charges of spreading false information and threatening state security based on an interview he granted in December 2022 in which he was critical of the erosion of the independence of the judiciary by the authorities. He had granted the interview in his capacity as coordinator of the Committee to Defend Judges.  

The ongoing restrictions and targeting of members of the political opposition and critics of the regime have been preceded by actions by President Saied to consolidate his authority and act with impunity.  Since July 2021, he suspendedparliament, dismissed several judges and dissolved the Superior Council of the Judiciary, a body set up after the 2011 protests to guarantee the independence of the judiciary.  President Saied later passed a Presidential Decree, granting himself absolute powers to fire judges. Journalists, activists and perceived political opponents are subjected to judicial persecution in some cases before military tribunals.  

Tunisia is rated Obstructed by the CIVICUS Monitor.  

Arabic

The sentencing of human rights defender and LGBTQI+ activist Rania Amdouni to six months in prison by a court in Tunis on 4 March 2021 for participating in peaceful protests calling for social and economic justice is an attack on the rights to freedom of expression and assembly in Tunisia. Rania is a member of Damj,

the Tunisian Association for Justice and Equality, and was sentenced on charges of “insulting police and abuse of morals,” after participating in ongoing protests. 

A decade after the Arab Spring spread across the Middle East, Tunisia is still suppressing fundamental democratic freedoms.  Ongoing protests that have swept Tunisia since 15 January 2021, calling for an end to corruption and policy brutality, and urging the government to implement social and economic reforms. More than 1600 protesters have been arrested so far with major concerns that security forces are specifically targeting members of the LGBTQI+ community.  

Rania had been monitored and targeted by security forces after she became a visible part of the protests, before finally being arrested on 27 February 2021.

“Ten years after the Arab Spring that led to major changes in the political dynamics in Tunisia, the Tunisian authorities are still trampling on the same rights protesters demonstrated.  The arrests of protesters and unlawful sentencing of activists like Rania Amdouni is an indication that not much has changed in terms of human rights over the last ten years,” said Masana Ndinga-Kanga, CIVICUS Advocacy Lead for the Middle East and North Africa, “Rania Amdouni and all those arrested in relation to the protests should be released immediately.”

Many of those arrested for their role in the protests have been subjected to physical abuse, threats and intimidation during the protests or in detention centers.  Those in detention centers are kept in crowded and unsanitary conditions, exposing them to COVID-19. Many others have fled the country or have been forced to self-censor to avoid violent repercussions.

Global civil society alliance CIVICUS calls on the Tunisian authorities to release Rania Amdouni and other activists immediately, and to stop violently suppressing protests.

Background

Demonstrations in Tunisia started on 15 January 2021 as protesters raised concerns over increasing levels of corruption and inequality and called for social and economic reforms.  The protests spread in response to the violent attacks against demonstrators by security forces.  Some activists have resorted to self-censorship due to an increase in online harassment and civil society groups are calling on the Tunisian authorities to investigate all allegations of violence against protesters.

For more information on civic space violations, visit the Tunisian country page on the CIVICUS Monitor

Photo: Flickr/Amine GHRABI

 À la veille du 25ème anniversaire duProgramme d’Action de Beijing, qui aura lieu en septembre 2020, CIVICUS s’entretient avec des personnes activistes, dirigeantes et expertes de la société civile pour évaluer les progrès accomplis et les défis qu’il faut encore surmonter. Adopté en 1995 lors de laQuatrième Conférence Mondiale sur les Femmes des Nations Unies, le Programme d'Action de Beijing poursuit les objectifs d'éliminer la violence à l'égard des femmes, de garantir l'accès à la planification familiale et à la santé reproductive, d'éliminer les obstacles de la participation des femmes à la prise de décisions, et à la création d'emplois décents et d'un salaire égal pour le même travail. Vingt-cinq ans plus tard, des progrès importants mais inégaux ont été réalisés, en grande partie grâce aux efforts inlassables de la société civile, mais aucun pays n'a encore atteint l'égalité des sexes.

CIVICUS et le Réseau des ONG Arabes pour le Développement (ANND) s'entretiennent avec Ramy Khouili, directeur de l'Association Tunisienne des Femmes Démocrates (ATFD). Fondée en 1989 par le mouvement féministe autonome en réponse au féminisme d'État, ATFD promeut l'égalité des sexes dans tous les domaines, de la sphère politique aux droits socio-économiques, y compris les droits sexuels, corporels et reproductifs des femmes, et lutte contre toutes les formes de discrimination et de violence à l'égard des femmes.

Quelle est la situation des droits des femmes en Tunisie ? Quels ont été les progrès jusqu'à présent ?

Environ un mois après l'indépendance, en 1956, le Code du Statut Personnel a été promulgué. À ce jour, ce code est toujours considéré comme le plus progressiste et révolutionnaire de la région, car il a aboli la polygamie, institué le mariage civil et aboli la répudiation et de nombreuses autres formes de dégradation des femmes. Depuis lors, nous avons eu une situation très particulière, puisque le féminisme d'État a prévalu dans la sphère publique. Bien que nous ayons vécu sous une dictature pendant près de 50 ans, la Tunisie a toujours été saluée comme un bon exemple pour la région en matière de droits des femmes. Cet éloge a pris les femmes en otage, leur refusant le droit à une véritable égalité. En réponse à cela, un mouvement féministe autonome a été fondé qui s'est donné pour mission de dénoncer le fait que la situation n'était pas aussi bonne que le régime la présentait, ce qui lui a provoqué de nombreux problèmes.

Après la révolution de 2011, il y a eu une résurgence des groupes islamistes et conservateurs, de sorte que les droits des femmes ont été menacés. Entre 2011 et 2014, lors du processus d'élaboration d'une nouvelle constitution, la majorité islamiste a tenté d'imposer le concept de « complémentarité » entre hommes et femmes, remplaçant celui d'égalité. Les organisations de la société civile (OSC) ont dû faire de nombreux efforts et de nombreuses mobilisations de rue ont dû être organisées pour l'éviter. Par conséquent, l'article 21 de la Constitution tunisienne établit désormais clairement que les femmes et les hommes sont égaux devant la loi et interdit toutes les formes de discrimination.

C'est grâce à ce mouvement social qu'une constitution a été obtenue qui est considérée comme la plus progressiste de la région. Son article 46, un ajout de dernière minute, reconnaît le rôle de l'État dans la lutte contre la violence à l'égard des femmes. Il établit que l'État a la responsabilité de promouvoir et de protéger les droits des femmes et interdit tout retour en arrière dans la reconnaissance de ces droits.

Depuis lors, nous avons obtenu d'autres modifications juridiques. En 2016, une loi contre la traite a été approuvée, et en 2017, une loi contre la violence a été approuvée. Celle-ci était la première de ce type dans la région et a été rédigée principalement par des activistes de la société civile et des organisations féministes. En termes de représentation politique, la loi sur les partis politiques adoptée en 2011 a établi que toutes les listes électorales doivent avoir une parité hommes-femmes.

Quels défis persistent ?

La situation réelle diffère de ce que dit la loi, car les inégalités sont encore très présentes. De nombreuses pratiques discriminatoires persistent de fait. Les statistiques sont alarmantes. La moitié des femmes ont été victimes d'au moins une forme de violence. Les crises socioéconomiques ont des effets plus graves sur les femmes que sur les hommes. Chez les femmes, le taux de chômage est presque le double de celui des hommes. L'accès des femmes à la terre est limité : seulement 4% des femmes possèdent des terres, bien qu'elles constituent près de 90% de la main d'œuvre agricole.

Pendant longtemps, la Tunisie a été présentée comme un bon exemple en matière de planification familiale et de santé reproductive, car elle a mis en place des programmes de planification familiale et de santé reproductive dès les années 1950 et 1960 et a accordé aux femmes le droit à l'avortement au début des années 1970, avant même de nombreux pays européens. Cependant, depuis la révolution, nous avons remarqué que les autorités de l'État ont pris du recul dans le domaine des services sociaux, en particulier l'éducation, la santé et la santé sexuelle et reproductive. L'accès aux méthodes contraceptives et à l'avortement devient de plus en plus limité et les besoins non satisfaits en matière de droits sexuels et reproductifs augmentent, ce qui est alarmant.

En 2019, avec d'autres OSC tunisiennes, nous avons présenté un rapport alternatif retraçant les progrès accomplis vers les objectifs de la Déclaration et du Programme d'Action de Beijing et soulignant les défis futurs. Notre rapport offrait une perspective différente de celle du gouvernement tunisien. L'une de nos plus grandes préoccupations est que la Tunisie est un pays à majorité musulmane et lorsque la Déclaration et le Programme d'Action de Pékin ont été adoptés, l'État tunisien a présenté, en commun avec d'autres pays à majorité musulmane, une déclaration avertissant qu'il ne s'engagerait dans aucune mesure qui pourrait contredire les valeurs de l'islam. L'article 1 de la nouvelle Constitution établit que la Tunisie est un pays musulman. La déclaration susmentionnée est toujours valable. Bien qu'il ait levé la plupart de ses réserves concernant la Convention sur l'élimination de toutes les formes de discrimination à l'égard des femmes, l'État tunisien n'a pas levé toutes ses réserves concernant la Déclaration et le Programme d'Action de Beijing. Il reste donc des défis à relever tant en droit qu'en pratique.

Comment la pandémie du COVID-19 a-t-elle exacerbé ces défis et que fait la société civile pour y faire face ?

Au début de la pandémie du COVID-19, l'ATFD a lancé un avertissement aux autorités tunisiennes dans lequel elle exprimait ses inquiétudes concernant la période de quarantaine, durant laquelle de nombreuses femmes ont dû rester chez elles avec leurs agresseurs. Nous avions raison, car le nombre de cas de violence sexiste a continué de croître pendant la quarantaine. Le Ministère des Affaires de la Femme a déclaré que le nombre d'appels reçus via le numéro de téléphone d'urgence créé par le gouvernement a été multiplié par cinq. Dans nos centres d'attention, nous avons également observé une recrudescence, car le nombre de femmes victimes de violence qui ont sollicité notre soutien a augmenté. La situation est devenue plus difficile lorsque les gens ont commencé à agir de manière plus agressive. Par ailleurs, il est devenu de plus en plus difficile de se rendre au poste de police ou de demander des services de santé, de sorte que l'accès aux services a diminué. Les femmes se sont senties isolées et ont été forcées de continuer à vivre avec leurs agresseurs pendant la quarantaine.

La plupart des tribunaux ont fermé pendant la quarantaine et nous avons dû faire du lobby auprès du Conseil Supérieur de la Magistrature et du Ministère de la Justice pour inclure les cas de violence à l'égard des femmes parmi les cas d'urgence qui seraient traités pendant la quarantaine. Heureusement, notre demande a été acceptée.

L'accès aux services de santé sexuelle et reproductive a également été affecté car, par crainte du virus, les femmes n'ont pas pu sortir et chercher ces services. Nous avons dû collaborer avec le Ministère de la Santé Publique et le Ministère des Affaires de la Femme pour trouver des solutions à cette situation, et maintenant nous essayons de trouver un moyen d'assurer la continuité des services de santé reproductive.

En outre, les droits socio-économiques des femmes ont été gravement affectés. En raison de la crise économique provoquée par la pandémie, de nombreuses femmes ont perdu leurs emplois ou ne perçoivent pas leurs salaires. De nombreuses femmes en Tunisie travaillent dans le secteur informel, elles n'ont donc pas pu continuer à travailler et se sont retrouvées sans aucun revenu. Cela affecte leur capacité à prendre soin d'elles-mêmes et de leurs familles. Avec un groupe de travailleurs domestiques, nous avons fait une étude sur la situation des travailleurs domestiques en Tunisie. La situation est vraiment alarmante car les travailleurs domestiques ne peuvent pas travailler pendant la quarantaine et n'ont pas d'autre source de revenus. Malgré le fait que le secteur informel représente une grande partie de l'économie, les mesures prises par le gouvernement pour accorder une aide d'urgence ne s'appliquent qu'au secteur formel. À son tour, le soutien du gouvernement a été destiné aux familles et, selon la loi tunisienne, les hommes sont les chefs de famille, donc l'argent a été reçu principalement par des hommes. En cas de conflit, violence ou séparation, les femmes n'ont pas accès à l'aide gouvernementale.

Nous avons fait beaucoup de travail de plaidoyer auprès des autorités car la réponse officielle n'a pas pris en compte les aspects de genre de la pandémie. Nous avons travaillé avec la plupart des ministres. Nous avons eu rendez-vous avec la plupart des départements ministériels pour les sensibiliser. Nous avons envoyé des documents politiques et publié des lettres ouvertes. Nous continuons à fournir des services dans nos centres d'attention, qui continuent de fonctionner. Nous avons également adapté ces services afin qu'ils puissent être fournis par téléphone. Nous avons lancé une campagne contre la violence à l'égard des femmes pendant la pandémie, qui a été suivie par des milliers de personnes et a connu un grand succès. En conséquence, le département Facebook pour le Moyen-Orient et l'Afrique du Nord nous a contactés et nous travaillons maintenant avec eux pour amplifier l'impact de nos futures campagnes. Nous établirons également des canaux de communication avec Facebook pour signaler les violences et les expressions de haine sur les réseaux sociaux.

Quelles restrictions aux libertés d'association, d'expression et de manifestation avez-vous rencontrées pendant la pandémie, et comment tentez-vous de les surmonter ?

Nous n'avons fait face à aucune restriction de la part du gouvernement, mais notre présence dans les espaces publics a été affectée par l'impossibilité d'organiser des manifestations. Nous sommes habitués à sortir lors de manifestations, car occuper l'espace public pour dire « nous sommes ici et revendiquons ceci ou cela » est une tactique qui fonctionne. Et maintenant, nous ne pouvons pas le faire. Mais nous sommes en train d'entrer dans une nouvelle phase de mise en quarantaine et ce sera peut-être bientôt un peu plus facile, donc nous pensons déjà à de nouvelles manières de protester tout en respectant les mesures de distanciation sociale. Nous réfléchissons à la manière d'adapter nos tactiques de mobilisation. Nous nous concentrons sur les réseaux sociaux, ainsi que les médias traditionnels, pour communiquer nos messages et parler des problèmes auxquels nous sommes confrontés, et toucher la plus grande quantité possible de personnes. Nous essayons également de diversifier nos médias pour atteindre différents publics.

Nous établissons également une coalition avec le syndicat des journalistes, la Ligue Tunisienne des Droits de l'Homme et d'autres organisations pour travailler sur l'impact de la réponse à la pandémie sur les droits humains.

De nombreux donateurs et partenaires ont été très flexibles car il était évident que nous ne pouvions pas continuer à fonctionner comme si rien n'avait changé. Nous avons dû adapter bon nombre de nos activités, en reporter d'autres et utiliser plus du budget pour l'aide sociale. La plupart de nos homologues ont été compréhensifs et nous avons eu de bonnes discussions avec eux pour réajuster nos plans à la situation causée par la pandémie. Cependant, nous avons eu des problèmes avec des donateurs qui ont baissé les salaires pendant cette période.

En plus de faire face aux problèmes les plus urgents, nous sommes également impliqués dans un processus de réflexion interne et avec nos partenaires. Nous voulons voir des changements positifs à la suite de la pandémie. Nous voulons une société plus juste et plus égalitaire où toutes les personnes se sentent incluses. La pandémie a révélé certains problèmes sous-jacents que le gouvernement a longtemps préféré ignorer, mais qui devront maintenant être résolus, tels que la défaillance du système de santé.

De quel soutien la société civile tunisienne a-t-elle besoin de la part de la communauté internationale ?

La principale forme de soutien est de travailler ensemble. Nous devons travailler ensemble parce que nous avons de l'expérience sur le terrain, tandis que les organisations internationales ont des réseaux plus larges, sont capables de travailler dans une variété de contextes, ont accès aux mécanismes internationaux et ont la capacité d'influencer l'agenda international. Pour qu'une alliance soit efficace, elle doit travailler simultanément pour influencer à la fois aux niveaux national et international. La pandémie a montré que certains des plus grands problèmes ne peuvent pas être attaqués au niveau national, mais que nous devons travailler au niveau international et en collaboration avec des réseaux régionaux. Si nous mettons ces deux choses ensemble, je pense que nous pouvons avoir un impact plus important.

L'espace civique en Tunisie est classé comme « obstrué » par leCIVICUS Monitor.
Contactez l'Association Tunisienne des Femmes Démocrates via sa pageFacebook et suivez@atfd_tunisie sur Twitter etfemmes_democrates sur Instagram. 

🇹🇳 #Tunisie: Les autorités doivent s'abstenir de recourir à une force excessive dans un contexte de tensions politiques. Notre déclaration sur les récents événements & inquiétudes concernant l'utilisation des pouvoirs d'urgence pour étouffer la démocratie: https://t.co/HnQ6opEOaD pic.twitter.com/DNj7rTI74N

— CIVICUS Français (@CIVICUSfrancais) July 30, 2021

English | Arabic

Les autorités tunisiennes doivent s'abstenir de recourir à une force excessive dans un contexte de tensions politiques.

Le 25 juillet, les gens sont descendus dans les rues de plusieurs villes de Tunisie pour exprimer leurs inquiétudes quant à la réponse du gouvernement à la pandémie de COVID-19, au déploiement des campagnes de vaccination et à la situation économique désastreuse à laquelle les Tunisiens sont confrontés.

CIVICUS, une alliance mondiale pour la société civile, est préoccupée par les attaques violentes contre les manifestants en Tunisie et appelle les autorités tunisiennes à faire preuve de retenue dans un contexte de tensions politiques et à respecter les droits humains. 

Après une journée de manifestations antigouvernementales, le président Kais Saied a invoqué les pouvoirs d'urgence, dont la plupart sont contraires à la Constitution tunisienne, suspendant le Parlement pour 30 jours et limogeant le Premier ministre Hichem Mechichi. Les ministres de la Justice et de la Défense ont également été limogés. Un couvre-feu d'un mois a été imposé ainsi que des restrictions supplémentaires qui empêchent les personnes de se déplacer entre les villes en dehors du couvre-feu, sauf pour des raisons de santé urgentes. Les autorités ont également imposé des restrictions à la liberté de réunion pacifique, interdisant les rassemblements de plus de trois personnes dans les lieux publics.

Le 26 juillet, 20 policiers lourdement armés ont fait irruption dans les bureaux du média international Al-Jazeera, ont confisqué du matériel et expulsé le personnel de ses locaux. Ces événements suscitent de graves inquiétudes quant à la liberté de la presse dans le pays.

« Le président Saied ne doit pas utiliser la crise actuelle et les pouvoirs d'urgence pour étouffer la démocratie, notamment les libertés d'expression et de réunion pacifique en Tunisie. Le recours systématique à la violence contre des manifestants pacifiques est une tendance inquiétante et l'utilisation de mesures d'urgence pour limiter les droits fondamentaux, sous couvert de la pandémie de COVID19, est un affront à la démocratie et une menace sérieuse pour les acquis des manifestations pro-démocratiques d'il y a dix ans », a déclaré Aarti Narsee, chercheuse en espace civique.

L'imposition des mesures d'urgence actuelles en réponse à des manifestations antigouvernementales rappelle une tendance continue où les manifestations mettant en lumière les préoccupations sur les questions sociales et économiques touchant les Tunisiens sont violemment réprimées par les autorités. En janvier 2021, les forces de sécurité ont fait un usage excessif de la force, notamment des gaz lacrymogènes, des canons à eau et des violences physiques, contre les manifestants, ce qui a entraîné la mort d'un manifestant et l'arrestation de milliers de personnes, dont des mineurs. Les autorités ont également pris pour cible les défenseurs des droits humains et ceux qui s'expriment sur la situation économique désastreuse de la Tunisie.

Contexte :
Les restrictions de l'espace civique se poursuivent en Tunisie, dix ans après que des manifestations ont forcé une transition politique. Les défenseurs des droits humains, les journalistes et les militants qui font part de leurs préoccupations concernant les violations des droits humains sont pris pour cible par les autorités. La liberté de réunion a été considérablement réduite dans le cadre des mesures d'urgence liées au Covid-19, qui ont interdit des rassemblements à différents moments. En octobre 2020, les forces de sécurité ont violemment réprimé des manifestants pacifiques qui protestaient contre une loi qui accorderait l'immunité au personnel de sécurité, devant le Parlement à Tunis. La plupart des protestations sont motivées par l'impact de la détérioration de l'économie, l'augmentation des prix des produits de base et le haut niveau d'impunité dont jouissent les forces de sécurité. Après les manifestations de dimanche, le Président a assumé l'autorité exécutive avec l'aide d'un nouveau Premier ministre qu'il va choisir. En principe, le Premier ministre devrait être élu par le Parlement, qui est contrôlé par le parti Ennahda, avec lequel le Président a une querelle de longue date.

L'espace civique au Tunisie est classé comme Obstrué par CIVICUS Monitor.