CIVICUS speaks with Ousmane Miphal Lankoandé, Executive Secretary and Coordinator of the governance and citizen mobilisation programme at Balai Citoyen (‘Civic Broom’) about human rights and civic space in Burkina Faso.
Founded in 2013, Balai Citoyen is a civil society organisation (CSO) that mobilises citizen action to promote democracy, government integrity, justice and the rule of law in Burkina Faso.
How have human rights and civic freedoms deteriorated under Burkina Faso’s military junta?
Since the rise of the military to power in January 2022, there has been a clear deterioration in human rights and civic freedoms, a phenomenon that became even more marked following the second coup in September 2022. Any voice of dissent from the official line of the military regime is systematically repressed.
To achieve this, the regime gradually introduced insidious measures. Initially, it suspended the activities of political parties, even after it restored the constitution following a temporary suspension. In addition, some international media have been banned from broadcasting and some national media have been suspended. Journalists and activists are subjected to intimidation and threats, and some have been kidnapped. The fate of several, including two Balai Citoyen activists, remains unknown to this day.
Under cover of the general mobilisation law introduced in 2023 within the framework of the fight against terrorism, the regime punishes dissidents by conscripting them. Pro-democracy civil society is practically paralysed by the intensity and ferocity of the repression. Despite this, it continues trying as best it can to maintain internal dialogue and expand its networks internationally to share its experiences and learn how to adapt to this difficult situation.
What are civil society’s demands to the authorities, particularly to protect human rights and prevent enforced disappearances?
Civil society urges the authorities to lift restrictions on civic space and respect the rights enshrined in the constitution, which remains in force. Respect for the law is included in the head of state’s oath of office. Civil society stresses the need for the authorities to comply with the laws in force and not to obstruct the execution of judicial decisions. It demands that any citizen accused of an offence, regardless of its nature or seriousness, is judged fairly by the judicial system, which is the only one with the power to dispense justice, and that the rights of all involved in judicial processes be respected.
People affected by abductions and conscription won court cases that ruled these illegal. However, some people are still being held against their will, and others who were abducted have not been found.
In short, civil society calls for the justice system to be allowed to act in accordance with the procedures and laws in force.
What obstacles does civil society face in carrying out its activities and fulfilling its roles?
We must distinguish between two different segments of civil society. Pro-junta CSOs, which support the military regime, face no obstacles and are not subject to official bans. For example, they can organise demonstrations despite bans on assemblies issued by the authorities.
In comparison, pro-democracy CSOs, which maintain a distance from the regime and are guided by democratic values and principles, encounter obstacles in carrying out their functions, particularly when it comes to monitoring government actions and calling leaders to account.
The official ban on demonstrations applies to these organisations. They are also subject to intimidation and threats from supporters of the regime and disinformation and ‘fake news’ aimed at discrediting organisations and their leaders. People who support the regime openly threaten CSO leaders with assassination. Even when such statements are punishable by law, the authorities don’t take any steps to counter them. For instance, in October 2023 a group of CSOs tried to organise a rally and social media sites showed people with machetes threatening to attack the participants.
An equally important but often overlooked aspect is the pressure exerted by family and friends on committed activists, in fear they will be abducted, imprisoned or killed. Activists also lack funds to meet legal costs in the event of a trial, and for their daily activities.
Could tensions between Burkina Faso’s military junta and neighbouring countries lead to a wider regional conflict?
The rise of military regimes, first in Mali and then in Guinea-Conakry, Burkina Faso and Niger, against a backdrop of a worsening security crisis that previous regimes struggled to find solutions to, has accelerated the geopolitical reconfiguration of West Africa.
In Burkina Faso, the military’s rise to power was facilitated by the persistence of the security crisis that began in 2015 and intensified without being resolved. As soon as the military reached power, its leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, adopted martial language and warlike rhetoric, internally and in relation to external partners.
In West Africa and the immediate neighbourhood, the tone adopted varies according to the nature of the regime in each country. Democratic administrations that have emerged from elections seem to irritate our government, which is attracted to the military regimes in Mali and Niger to the point of formalising this closeness through an alliance called the ‘Alliance of Sahel States’.
However, if Burkina Faso’s history is anything to go by, hostility towards some regimes in neighbouring countries doesn’t seem likely to degenerate into regional conflict. It would be more reasonable to fear a bilateral conflict between Burkina Faso and one of its neighbours, particularly because the one we are currently showing the most hostility towards, Côte d’Ivoire, is home to the largest community of our compatriots abroad.
A short-term diplomatic row is more likely than an escalation of conflict. But it would be imprudent to rule out any possibility of conflict. Civil society is holding discussions in Economic Community of West African States member countries, notably through West African Democracy for Solidarity, which brings together numerous West African CSOs, particularly from countries in crisis. These organisations work to promote constructive dialogue between social groups and leaders.
As part of another network, I called for the organisation of a regional meeting to strengthen the voice of civil society towards peace and stability in West Africa. This initiative still needs funding.
What support does civil society in Burkina Faso receive from the international community, and what additional support does it need?
I’m not aware of any tangible measures taken by the international community to remedy the human rights violations and repression of civil society in Burkina Faso. Apart from the declarations of principle that may have been issued, there seems no specific action has been undertaken to address these problems effectively.
It is essential to stress the importance of financial support for CSOs so they can face up to adversity and carry out their activities in the service of the public. Adequate funding would enable these organisations to strengthen their operational capacities and respond more effectively to the needs of the communities they serve.
Civic space in Burkina Faso is rated ‘obstructed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.
Get in touch with Balai Citoyen through its website or Facebook page, and follow @BalaiCitoyen on Twitter.
