human rights

Statement on human rights abuses in South Sudan
UN Human Rights Council - 26th Special Session
Special Session on South Sudan

CIVICUS welcomes this Special Session following the findings and recommendations recently put forward by the Expert Commission on Human Rights in South Sudan. We agree with the assessment that South Sudan is on the verge of an unprecedented spate of violence which has strong ethnic connotations.
Statement on human rights recommendations for Poland
36th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

CIVICUS welcomes Poland’s commitment to engage with the UPR process and its acceptance of recommendations related to the freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly and association, in its recent response to the Report of the Working Group.

As outlined in our joint submission to this review, CIVICUS and the Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD) remain seriously concerned by the government’s control over state institutions and the media through weakened rule of law and undermined respect for fundamental freedoms.

With particular reference to media freedom, we welcome the Government of Poland’s commitment to ensure that national legislation is made consistent with European Union Law. We remain concerned however at the Government’s assertion that laws enacted in 2015 “do not restrict media freedom and pluralism”. CIVICUS and KOD believe there is still an urgent need to revisit changes made to the Broadcasting Act in January 2016, to prevent the kind of political interference which saw the dismissal of dozens of journalists from the public broadcaster.

We also welcome Poland’s acceptance of the recommendation to guarantee the freedom of assembly, but urge the Government to reconsider its rejection of the recommendation to “Repeal the restrictive amendments on the Law on Assemblies”. These amendments are inconsistent with Poland’s international obligations, because they give undue priority to public authorities, and seriously undermine the protest rights of all Polish citizens, including those that oppose the government.

Finally, we welcome the Government of Poland’s acceptance of recommendations related to the freedom of association. We however urge the Government to ensure that these guarantees are applied equally to all, including groups promoting the rights of LGBTI people. We also urge the Government to ensure that Poland’s new counter-terrorism legislation is not used as a pretext for the erosion of the rights of minority groups, particularly those promoting the rights of Muslims.
Statement on human rights violations in Eritrea
35th session UN Human Rights Council

14 June 2017
Statement during the interactive dialogue on the report of the Special Rapporteur on situation of human rights in Eritrea

CIVICUS welcomes the report of the Special Rapporteur on Eritrea and applauds her unwavering efforts to ampifly the voices of civil society and victims of human rights violations in Eritrea and in the diaspora.

Mr. President, the Special Rapporteur’s report to the Council is unequivocal that Eritreans continue to be subjected to grave and systematic violations of fundamental freedoms, some of which amount to crimes against humanity. Worryingly the Special Rapporteur has concluded that the human rights situation in Eritrea “has not significantly improved.”

We remain deeply concerned that the Government has failed to take adequate measures to address the human rights situation in Eritrea as documented by the Commission of Inquiry.

During the reporting period, the Special Rapporteur received information that the government’s military and national service programmes remain arbitrary, protracted and involuntary, which is tantamount to enslavement.

The Government has further failed to release countless arbitrarily detained prisoners for exercising their fundamental rights and refuses to provide sufficient information about the status of several prominent activists and individuals who have been forcibly disappeared.

As a result of these and other deprivations of human rights, thousands of Eritreans, including scores of unaccompanied children, are forced to traverse perilous situations to secure refuge abroad every year.

We support the Special Rapporteur’s decision to devote greater time and resources to address impunity, including by engaging a diversity of actors including victims, survivors, family members, human rights defenders and lawyers to help facilitate access to justice and accountability for human rights violations.

We urge the Government of Eritrea to take proactive measures to implement the specific and time-bound benchmarks developed by the Special Rapporteur to assess substantive change in the country.

We respectfully request members and observer states of the Council to co-sponsor a resolution renewing the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on Eritrea and provide the mandate holder with all necessary support.
Statement: Civil society rights violations on a global scale
35th session UN Human Rights Council
General Debate
20 June 2017

In Egypt CIVICUS expresses its serious concern over the issuance of Law 70 of 2017 which further restricts space for human rights monitoring, advocacy and reporting. It introduces hefty fines and prison terms for civil society groups who publish a study or report without prior approval by the government, thus shutting out completely the independent voice and action of human rights organizations.

We urge the Egyptian authorities to repeal this Law, end the ongoing criminal investigation into the work of human rights defenders and create a safe and enabling environment for civil society free from reprisals.

CIVICUS condemns in the strongest terms the recent killings of five peaceful protesters on 23 May in Bahrainand asks for an independent, impartial investigation. We further deplore the escalation in government reprisals against Bahraini civil society, including those living in exile for their cooperation with the United Nations and this Human Rights Council. We urge the Bahraini government to release all political prisoners and human rights defenders from their degrading, torturous detention, including prominent defender Nabeel Rajab.

In Cameroon, the government has imposed gross restriction on the rights to free speech and assembly. Beginning on 17 January 2017, the Government blocked all access to the internet in the sections of the North and Southwest regions in a blatant attempt to suppress widespread protests against government policies marginalizing the English-speaking population. While the recent precipitous decline in respect for ongoing human rights violations has garnered some international attention, CIVICUS asks the Council for more robust scrutiny to prevent further human rights violations and restore fundamental freedoms of expression and assembly.

Finally, CIVICUS continues to urge the government of Ethiopia to allow access to an international, independent, impartial and transparent investigation into the deaths resulting from excessive use of force by the security forces and other violations of human rights in the context of last year’s protests.
Statement: Investigation needed into human rights violations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
35th session UN Human Rights Council
Statement on situation of human rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
20 June 2017

CIVICUS shares the concern of the High Commissioner over the widespread human rights violations committed in the Kasai Central and Kasai Oriental provinces of the DRC since August 2016.

Extrajudicial executions of civilians and other atrocities have been systematically carried out forcing over 30.000 people to flee to neighbouring countries and leaving approximately 1.27 million others internally displaced.

We are concerned by the threats and increased violence targeting journalists including those who covered the massacres in the Kasai region. We express alarm over the closure of private media outlets deemed critical of the government.

Mr. Vice President, peaceful protests held recently were violently repressed and security forces carried out widespread arrests of people suspected of organising or participating in such protests.

We are also concerned about the arbitrary arrest and detention of human rights defenders for exposing failures of the national economy, the provision of social services and democratic reform.

Sadly, some of these human rights defenders are being held in undisclosed locations without access to family members and lawyers. Others have been tortured while in detention.

We urge the Council to launch an independent international investigation into the atrocities committed in the Kasai region and for all perpetrators to be held accountable for their actions.
Statement: The same rights that people have offline must also be protected online
41st Session of the UN Human Rights Council
Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the rights to peaceful assembly and association
Joint statement by ICNL, Article 19, CIVICUS, ECNL, and World Movement for Democracy

Activists, peaceful protesters, and civil society have harnessed the power of the Internet and digital technologies, to share information, and to build and mobilise communities at unprecedented scale and speed.

Whilst this Council has repeatedly affirmed the maxim that “the same rights that people have offline must also be protected online,” online civic space is under intense, and increasing pressure, worldwide.

We therefore share the Special Rapporteur’s concern that many States, including members of this Council, misuse emerging technologies to surveil civil society groups and peaceful protesters, harass human rights defenders online, deliberately obstruct access to online information, and abuse vague legislation restricting online expression to target dissenting voices.

In Sudan, we condemn the recent Internet shutdowns by the TMC, in an attempt to conceal the brutality of the unlawful and wholly disproportionate crackdown by the military against protesters, including the use of lethal force and disturbing accounts of sexual violence. This Council must hold Sudan to account, including by establishing a fact-finding mission.

In Russia, merely posting about a protest online can attract reprisals. Just this month, prominent opposition activist Leonid Volkov - who webcast a protest in September 2018 - was arbitrarily detained for his alleged role in “organising” a protest and “inciting disorder”.

In Turkey, the presence of secure communication apps on individuals’ devices has been used as the basis of bogus terrorism charges against journalists, and civil society.

In Liberia this month, targeted shutdowns saw access to social media, email services and news agencies cut off in response to protests against state corruption.

These and all other efforts to frustrate the exercise of assembly and association rights online, and choke off civic space, demand the urgent attention of this Council. Our organisations encourage the Special Rapporteur to continue his work on this important area.

Mr President,

We agree that as “gatekeepers” to online spaces, the private sector plays a vital role in safeguarding civic space online. The Ruggie Principles on business and human rights provide a clear framework to ensure human rights standards guide their policies and practices.
States should defend environmental human rights defenders
Joint Letter at the 40th session of the UN Human Rights Council
Our organisations are calling on all UN Member States to demonstrate their support to environmental human rights defenders.

March 12, 2019
To: UN Member States

We all want to breathe clean air, drink safe water, and to be able to provide sustenance and a healthy, dignified life for our families. Human survival and well-being rests on a biodiverse and healthy environment and a safe climate. Environmental human rights defenders help us to achieve that - they defend the planet and their communities from the impact of harmful resource extraction or pollution by unscrupulous companies or governments. Their work is essential to attaining the sustainable development goals and ensuring that no-one is left behind.

We need your support to defend environmental human rights defenders.

At its current 40th session, the Human Rights Council is discussing a draft resolution on environmental human rights defenders. This is a timely and important initiative as UN agencies, human rights organisations and the media have documented unprecedented killings and attacks against people defending land and the environment.

It is important for the Council to adopt a resolution that reflects the gravity and the reality of the situation defenders face every day. We therefore call on members of the UN Human Rights Council to ensure that the resolution adopted by the Council clearly:
- Outlines the root causes of the threats against environmental human rights defenders, including development and commercial activities with adverse social and environmental impacts, or those imposed on communities without meaningful consultation and respect for their rights;
- Recognises that environmental human rights defenders confront multiple adverse interests when challenging State and corporate activities, and highlights the collusion between different actors which hinders the work of defenders and aggravates their vulnerable position;
- Clearly names the industries and activities most dangerous to defenders, such as the mining industry, natural resource exploitation, agribusiness and large-scale development projects;
- Acknowledges the wide number of States that have recognised the right to a healthy environment in their internal legal order;
- Recognises that the lack of effective access to information, access to participation and access to justice causes environmental conflicts and leads to violence against defenders
- Calls for the development of protection mechanisms for environmental human rights defenders in line with best practice identified by the Special Rapporteur;
- Articulates the specific risks women and indigenous human rights defenders face and the need for an intersectional approach in assessing and designing protection measures for defenders;
- Calls on States to ensure that all communities are meaningfully consulted and can participate genuinely in matters that affect their rights and, in particular the use, management and conservation of their land and natural resources;
- Calls on States to guarantee the right to free, prior and informed consent for indigenous peoples;
- Calls on States to adopt legislation that creates due diligence obligations for companies registered in their jurisdictions and those of their subsidiaries;
- Articulates the responsibility of businesses to respect the rights of human rights defenders and highlights measures companies should take to contribute to addressing their insecurity;
- Adequately articulates the responsibility of investors and the obligations of development finance institutions to respect human rights in the context of their investments and to develop and implement effective policies to prevent and address threats; and
- Stresses that an open civic space, including respect for the rights to freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly and association and movement, as well as the right to participate in the conduct of government and public affairs, is vital to the protection of both a healthy and sustainable environment and environmental human rights defenders.
The draft being negotiated in Geneva contains some of these essential elements, which must be defended, but also offers significant potential for strengthening.

As negotiations enter the final stretch, we urge you to actively support the development of a resolution which clearly recognises the vital contribution of environmental human rights defenders to sustainable development and the effective enjoyment of human rights and formulates concrete asks of the States, development finance institutions and companies with the power of safeguarding that contribution.
1. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
2. Amnesty International
3. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (Forum Asia)
4. CIVICUS
5. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
6. Earth Justice
7. Front Line Defenders
8. Global Witness
9. JASS (Just Associates)
10. IM-Defensoras
11. Christian Development Alternative (CDA)
12. Nigerian Women Agro Allied Farmers Association
13. Social Justice Connection
14. Franciscans International
15. Unidad de Protección a Defensoras y Defensores de Derechos Humanos - Guatemala (UDEFEGUA)
16. Geneva for Human Rights
17. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
18. Réseau Ouest africain des Défenseurs des Droits Humains/West African Human Rights Defenders' Network
19. Coordination des associations et des particuliers pour la liberté de conscience
20. La'o Hamutuk
21. Karapatan Philippines
22. Human Rights House Foundation
23. HETAVED SKILLS ACADEMY AND NETWORKS
24. International Commission of Jurists
25. Conectas Direitos Humanos
26. World Movement for Democracy
27. Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)
28. Center for Civil Liberties
29. Urgent Action Fund for Women's Human Rights
30. Human Rights Concern - Eritrea (HRCE)
31. International Women's Development Agency (IWDA)
32. Humanitaire Plus (Togo)
33. Coalition Burkinabé des Défenseurs des Droits Humains
34. AMARA
35. Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC)
36. Odhikar
37. Freedom House
38. Red Internacional Unión Latinoamericana de Mujeres - Red ULAM
39. Freedom House
40. Rivers without Boundaries Mongolia
41. Asian Legal Resource Centre
42. OYU TOLGOI WATCH
43. Ligue Burundaise des droits de l’homme Iteka
44. International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES)
45. AVIPA association des victimes parents et amis du 28 septembre 2009 Guinée
46. Porgera Red Wara (River) Women's Association Incorporated (PRWWA INC.)
47. KRuHA - people's coalition for the right to water
48. Asia Pacific Network of Environment Defenders (APNED)
49. EMPOWER INDIA
50. EarthRights International
51. Dawei Probono Lawyer Network (DPLN)
52. Africa Network for Enivironment and Economic Justice(ANEEJ)
53. Partnership for Justice, Nigeria
54. Association for Progressive Communications (APC)
55. Huridocs
56. Steps Without Borders NGO
57. Humanists International
58. Coalition Togolaise des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CTDDH)
59. Labour,Health and Human Rights Development Centre
60. Institute for Multi-Resource Development (IMdev)
61. Not1More
62. Patrons of Khuvsgul lake movement
63. Liberia Coalition of Human Rights DefendersHuman Concern, Inc
64. Brot für die Welt
65. ARTICLE 19
66. Peace Brigades International
67. Metro Center Journalists Rights & Advocacy
68. World Uyghur Congress
69. 350.org
70. International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR)
71. Latinamerikagrupperna
72. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
73. Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
74. SUDIA
75. Synergia - 36/5000 Initiatives for Human Rights
76. Philippine Misereor Partnership Inc.
77. Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM)
78. Center for Women's Global Leadership
79. Transformative and Integrative Build Out For All
80. Institute for Strategic & Development Studies
81. Reseau de Femmes du mMlieu Rural Haitien
82. East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
83. FIFCJ
84. Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
85. Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID)
86. Zo Indigenous Forum
87. MADRE
88. FOKUS Forum for women and development
89. Bougainville Women's Federation
90. Human Rights Council-Ethiopia
91. Environment Defenders Advocacy
92. Porgera Women's Rights Watch
93. Independent Human Rights Analyst and Strategy Advisor
94. Buliisa Initiative for Rural Development Organisation (BIRUDO)
95. Community Resource Centre Foundation
96. MANUSHYA FOUNDATION
97. Equitable Cambodia
98. Friends with Environment in Development
99. Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (CHRB)
100. Association For Promotion Sustainable development
101. WoMin Afrcan Alliance
102. Both ENDS
103. Child Rights Connect
104. CONSEIL REGIONAL DES ORGANISATIONS NON GOUVERNEMENTALES DE DEVELOPPEMENT
105. Enda Lead Afrique Francophone
106. Human Rights Law Centre
107. Business & Human Rights Resource Centre
108. World Voices Uganda
109. Africa Center for Policy Facilitation
110. Estonian Forest Aid
111. Community Transformation Foundation Network (COTFONE)
112. Collectif Camerounais des Organisations des Droits de l'Homme et de la Démocratie (COCODHD)
113. Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
114. North-East Affected Area Development Society (NEADS)
115. Sangsan Anakot Yawachon Development Project
116. Forum Syd Sweden
117. COALITION AGAINST LAND GRABBING (CALG) - PHILIPPINES
118. UNLAD-BLFFA
119. Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ANGOC)
120. BankTrack
121. CORE Coalition
122. The Gaia Foundation
123. Labour Behind the Label
124. Bataris Formation Center
125. Salva la Selva
126. Observatoire d'etudes et d'appui a la responsabilite sociale et environnementale ( OEARSE )
127. REd de Género y Medio Ambiente
128. London Mining Network
129. Abibiman Foundation
130. Ecodesarollo
131. The Kesho Trus
132. Organisation mondiale contre la torture
133. PAPUA NEW GUINEA MINING WATCH GROUP ASSOCIATION INC
134. 11.11.11 - Koepel van de Vlaamse Noord-Zuidbeweging
135. Center for Global Nonkilling
136. Centro salvadoreño de Tecnología Apropiada
137. Coalition Ivoirienne des Défenseurs des Droits Humains (CIDDH)
138. Friends of the Earth NI
139. Forest Peoples Programme
140. Environmental Investigation Agency
141. Fundación para el Desarrollo de Políticas Sustentables (FUNDEPS)
142. Bank Information Center
143. Africa development Interchange Network
144. Voluntariados Intag
145. Mangrove Action Project
146. IUCN NL
147. Community Self Reliance Centre (CSRC)
148. Amazon Watch
149. HRM @Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan@
150. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines
151. Asociación ambiental e cultural Petón do Lobo
152. Asociación galega Cova Crea
153. Amigos e Amigas dos Bosques "O Ouriol do Anllóns"
154. Réseau Camerounais des Organisations des Droits de l'Homme (RECODH)
155. CNCD-11.11.11
156. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
157. Rainforest Foundation Norway
158. Women Working Worldwide
159. Greenpeace
160. AMDH- Maroc
161. In Difesa Di , per i diritti umani e chi li difende
162. Center for Environmental Concerns-Philippines
163. Buliisa Initiative for Rural Development Organisation (BIRUDO) - Uganda
Stop Restrictions on Freedom of Assembly and Association in Iran
Arabic

President of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Address: Pasteur St., Pasteur Sq., Tehran

Phone number: +98(21)64451

To His Excellency, President Hassan Rouhani

Re: Stop Restrictions on Freedom of Assembly and Association in Iran

Your excellency,

With recent reports surfacing of the arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances of civil society actors in Iran, international civil society notes with concern the violent closing of civic space in the country. We write to urge you, Your Excellency, to immediately and unconditionally release all detained civil society actors and uphold the rights to freedom of assembly and association as per international conventions and the Iranian constitution.

Iranian civic space is shrinking at an unprecedented pace – even for Iranian standards – as authorities in Iran increasingly suppress independent civic action heavily and unlawfully. In the past year, Iran has seen the unparalleled rise of peaceful social protests and civic dissent despite a violent, authoritarian regime. The last two years have seen an alarming number of arrests and detention of civil society activists across a broad spectrum of environmental issues, human rights defenders, teachers’ and labor unionists, students and women’s rights. To this end CIVICUS, a global alliance of civil society around the world, and Volunteer Activists Institute, a NGO focusing on democracy, human rights, and peace building in the MENA region and specifically Iran, have launched a global campaign to hold the Iranian government accountable for its stark violations of the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly in the country.

Despite Iran being signatory to the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, and provisions in the Constitution protecting freedom of assembly and association (article 26 and 27 of the Iranian constitution), activists are frequently detained and harassed for their human rights work. Some prominent figures of Iranian civil society, like Nasrin Sotoudeh who faces 38 years in prison and 148 lashes, have received lengthy prison sentences for providing legal assistance to human rights defenders, whereas others are awaiting trial on false charges of espionage and “corruption on earth” – punishable by death sentence if convicted. The state of human rights defenders in prison is also alarming. In July 2019, human rights experts from the United Nations expressed concern at the state’s failure to provide care to detainees, including human rights defender Arash Sadeghi.[1] One environmental expert and activist, Dr. Kavous Seyed Emami, a Professor at Imam Sadeq University and Director of Persian Wildlife Heritage Foundation, died in prison on 8 February 2018, two weeks after detention in Evin prison. The circumstances of his death remain unclear. Other activists currently detained include Nasrin Sotoudeh, Narges Mohammadi, Farhad Meysami, Esmail Bekhshi, Sepide Gholian, and many more.

We are also extremely concerned with new appointments within the highest ranks of the military (Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps), who have enforced restrictions on civic space by establishing a new office (Baqiattallah) to organize social forces and government-affiliated civil society organizations, to marginalize the independent civil society. These new appointments signal that Iran is adopting a maximum strategy to forcefully strike against any instances of civic disobedience. As sanctions and economic hardships are pushing Iranians to the limit, and resulting in peaceful protests, the government of Iran is closing down on civic acts of dissent, and we are extremely concerned about the coming months ahead of the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2020.

As a result, we the undersigned call for the government of Iran to ensure greater protections of the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly. Specifically, we call for:
- The government to extend an invitation to the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, and the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Associations to investigate the human rights situation in Iran.
- For all human rights defenders, including but not limited to Nasrin Sotoudeh, Narges Mohammadi, Farhad Meysami, Esmail Bekhshi, Sepide Gholian, to be immediately and unconditionally released, with all charges against them dropped.
- To ensure gender sensitive protections for all which Iranian women human rights defenders are uniquely targeted in Iran, and work with the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, its Causes and Consequences to ensure that all forms of violence against Iranian WHRDs are reported as violence against women.
- To align practice of the implementation of the rights to Freedom of Assembly and Association as highlighted in the constitution to international best practice.
Sincerely, the undersigned:
1. Volunteer Activists Institute
2. CIVICUS Global Alliance for Citizen Participation
3. Women’s March Global
4. Center for Human Rights in Iran
5. Citizens Friend
6. West African Human Rights Defenders Network
7. Women Against Violence
8. The Needy Today
9. Association de la Jeunesse pour la Promotion des Droits de l'Homme
10. CASAD Bénin
11. Initiative for Peace and Innovation - IPI
12. Youth initiative for change and development
13. Future Leaders Network Gambia Chapter
14. AGIR POUR LA SECURITE ET LA SOUVERAINETE ALIMENTAIRE
15. YOUNG AFRICAN FIGHTERS ORGANISATION YAFO
16. Anti-Corruption International, Uganda Chapter
17. Discourage Youths From Poverty
18. Women Empowerment Group
19. Organisation des Jeunes pour la Promotion et le Développement
20. PACOPA
21. WORLDLITE
22. SOPEVUDECO ASBL
23. FHRRDA
24. Cameroon
25. Fraternity Foundation for Human Rights
26. Gutu United Residents and Ratepayers Association
27. Palestinian Center For Communication and Development Strategies
28. Tim Africa Aid Ghana
29. Shanduko Yeupenyu Child Care
30. APLFT
31. Advance Centre for Peace and Credibility International
32. Elizka Relief Foundation
33. TOfAD
34. Association pour les victimes du monde
35. Network of Estonian Non-Profit Organizations
36. VIFEDE
37. Bangladesh Institute of Human Rights
38. Save Our Continent, Save Nigeria.
39. Friends of Emergence Initiatives
40. Fundacion CELTA
41. MPS GABON
42. I2BA
43. One Future Collective
44. RECOSREC
45. Achievers Innovative Advocates International Foundation
46. GULF LINK VENTURE
47. Centre for Intercultural Understanding
48. Ugonma Foundation
49. Center for Youth Civic Leadership and Environmental Studies - CYCLES
50. FUNDACION CIUDADANOS
51. Centre for Social Concern and Development
52. Curtis business
53. Bina Foundation for people with special needs
54. GreenLight Initiative
55. Community Wellness International
56. Civic Initiatives Kyrgyzstan
57. Jeunesse-Assistance
58. Bella Foundation for Child and Maternal Care
59. Fondation Kalipa pour le Développement
60. SADF ONG
61. ASSOCIATION OF UGANDA SCHOOL LEAVING YOUTH -AUSLEY
62. FINESTE
63. Sierra Leone School Green Clubs
64. Centre for Sustainable Development and Education in Africa
65. Strengthen the work of UN Special Procedures that can protect human rights
  42nd Session of the UN Human Rights Council
  Joint Statement: 20 NGOs express support for the Coordination Committee’s process to strengthen the work of the Special Procedures
  
  We deliver this statement on behalf of 20 NGOs.
  
  We note the concerns in the Declaration of the Special Procedures’ mandate holders at the Annual Meeting 2019 and share their concern about the global retrenchment against the values and obligations embedded in international human rights law and the challenges they spell out with regard to non-cooperation.
  
  We also express appreciation for the process set in place by the Special Procedures Coordination Committee to discuss ways in which the work can be strengthened including by seeking input from a wide range of stakeholders. This process presents the most appropriate way to ensure the effectiveness of the Special Procedures in protecting and promoting human rights, and to discuss ways to strengthen cooperation and address situations where there may be concerns regarding the actions of individual mandate holders.
  
  We hope that this process will also provide an opportunity to discuss issues of chronic underfunding, non-cooperation of States with the Special Procedures, acts of reprisal and intimidation against human rights defenders and ad hominem attacks against mandate holders and how to make non-cooperation including selective cooperation by states more costly.
  
  Amnesty International
  Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  Association for Women’s Rights in Development
  Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
  Center for Reproductive Rights
  Child Rights Connect
  CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  Colombian Commission of Jurists
  Defence for Children International
  Geneva for Human Rights
  ILGA World
  International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute
  International Commission of Jurists
  International Movement against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR)
  International Service of Human Rights
  Peace Brigades International
  Sexual Rights Initiative (SRI)
  Swedish Association for Sexuality Education
  Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
  World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
66. Strict legal restrictions on foreign funding hit India’s NGOs
  CIVICUS interviews Mathew Jacob on the restrictions on freedom of association and attacks on civil society in India including laws on foreign funding. Jacob is the National Coordinator of Human Rights Defenders Alert – India (HRDA). HRDA is a national platform of human rights defenders for human rights defenders. Mathew is also a PhD scholar at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
67. SUDAN: ‘The only way out of this mess is through civilian rule’
  CIVICUS speaks about thewar in Sudan and its repercussions for women and civil society with Reem Abbas, a Sudanese feminist activist, writer and fellow at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP).
  
  Founded in 2013, TIMEP is a civil society organisation that works to centre advocates and experts from and in the Middle East and North Africa in policy discourse to foster more fair and democratic societies.
  
  What’s the current humanitarian situation in Sudan?
  
  Active conflict persists in around 60 per cent of Sudan’s territory. The continuous fighting entails targeting of civilians and mass displacement. In some states, much of the civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, markets, schools and universities, has been damaged. In Khartoum and West Darfur states, about 70 per cent of hospitals have been damaged or partially destroyed.
  
  Civilians and civil society activists are unsafe. The situation greatly restricts people’s freedom of movement, their ability to sustain a livelihood and their capacity to express their opinions freely. There are pockets of relative security in Eastern and Northern Sudan, but even in areas deemed secure displacement persists and schools remain closed because internally displaced people are living in them and other public buildings.
  
  Many livelihoods have totally collapsed, leaving people increasingly dependent on aid. We are already witnessing cases of famine, particularly affecting children, resulting in deaths.
  
  How has the conflict impacted on women and girls?
  
  Women have always been targeted in conflicts in Sudan. Political violence, rife in Sudan given its volatile political history, has also often taken aim at women. There’s rarely any accountability for sexual and gender-based violence. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) – the militias that are fighting against the army – are abducting women and selling them as sexual slaves in markets or holding them captive for extended periods. Families are left in distress, unsure of the whereabouts of their daughters, and are sometimes embezzled for money.
  
  This is a war on women. Part of it stems from structural factors that place women in subordinate positions, but there’s also a punitive element directed at women for their pivotal role in the 2019 revolution that overthrew dictator Omar al-Bashir. During the revolution, women were out there, highly visible on the frontlines, and now it feels like they’re being punished for it.
  
  The targeting of women is tearing the social fabric apart. As public spaces become unsafe for women, fewer women are participating in public life, including in economic activities and activism. This will have long-term consequences.
  
  What roles is civil society playing in this context, and what challenges does it face?
  
  It’s important to recognise that civil society in Sudan isn’t a monolithic entity, but rather a complex mix of different layers. Some were heavily involved during the transitional period that followed the revolution, getting deeply integrated with government structures at the time. Then there are women’s groups, each with their own focus and agenda. Alongside them, there are more formal organisations such as non-governmental organisations and trade unions. And let’s not overlook the revolutionary elements, such as the resistance committees and emergency response rooms, decentralised and horizontal structures working to shelter displaced people, support hospitals and secure food and water supplies.
  
  The more formal parts of civil society are currently heavily involved in politics, while its revolutionary segments are deeply engaged in grassroots humanitarian efforts. They’re essentially functioning as local governments in areas where official governance structures are absent.
  
  Despite its crucial role, civil society faces numerous challenges. The organic growth of grassroots movements is stunted by conflict and dictatorship. The polarising effects of war have led to divisions along political, ethnic and regional lines, further fragmenting civil society. Activists are increasingly targeted by the RSF or the army, threatening their ability to operate.
  
  In an environment where conformity to mainstream opinions is increasingly enforced, it becomes increasingly difficult to maintain dissenting voices. This situation underscores the urgent need to safeguard the diversity and autonomy of civil society in Sudan.
  
  However, attention and funding often gravitate towards already well-funded organisations, leaving grassroots initiatives to rely solely on community support. While funding alone doesn’t create a functional organisation, it’s important for organisations and groups to grow in an organic way and be able to garner support from the community.
  
  How is civil society advocating for peace and democracy?
  
  Right now, the conversation is all about security and getting things back to normal. People are doubting whether we can even think about democracy after all this chaos. The situation’s tough, with militarisation and conflict everywhere. But the only way out of this mess is through civilian rule. We need to figure out how to link the peace process to a long-term political solution that puts us back on track for democracy.
  
  Unfortunately, the focus of the political elite appears to be more on preserving its positions rather than addressing urgent issues. There are concerns that the largest political coalition has developed close ties with the militia, causing unease among those involved in the revolution. Without a bigger political group that really listens to people and leads responsibly, we’re going to be stuck with military rule for ages. Right now, it should be all about finding common ground and putting the focus on the people who’ve suffered most from this war – not about politicians trying to claw back power or siding with the military.
  
  There’s a lot of talk about how the transitional government messed up and led to the coup and the war. People are sceptical about civilian rule and whether it can fix things. It’s easier to sell the idea of a military-run government when people are feeling scared and vulnerable. Even though it’s militarisation that got us into this mess in the first place, it’s understandable because people just want to feel safe again.
  
  What should the international community do to address Sudan’s dire security and humanitarian situation?
  
  It’s time for the international community to stop sticking to one side of the story and start listening to everyone involved. They’re pumping all their funds into one camp and ignoring a whole bunch of other perspectives. We need more humanitarian aid, particularly considering the famine situation. Millions of people are at risk, with nowhere to turn and nothing to support themselves with.
  
  Investment in basic infrastructure like hospitals and water plants is crucial too. People need services, and they need them now. Some areas haven’t had clean water for months because water plants are getting caught in the crossfire.
  
  The international community must also demonstrate political determination. People’s lives are on the line. We need clear plans and urgent action to stop this war.
  
  I want to emphasise the significance of civil society solidarity. This is crucial when our governments show ambivalence towards our concerns. In such situations, we must become each other’s voices and amplify our collective message. We must seek ways to connect, demonstrate solidarity and collaborate effectively.
  
  It’s important to learn from one another and work together towards shared objectives. Collaboration with civil society groups and networks across the world is greatly appreciated. It’s through such partnerships that we can make a meaningful impact and bring about positive change.
  
  Civic space in Sudan is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
  
  Get in touch with TIMEP through itswebsite or itsFacebook andLinkedIn pages, and follow@TimepDC and@ReemWrites on Twitter.
68. Sudan: As violent clashes continue, Sudan’s international partners must call for accountability and justice
  Since April 15, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the Sovereign Council and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, alias Hemedti – leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have, in their quest for power, engaged in deadly clashes across Sudan. In two days, nearly 100 civilians have been killed according to the Central Committee of Sudan Doctors and 1,100 injured. Fights between the two factions are still raging on Monday.
69. Sudan: The UN Human Rights Council should act urgently and hold a special session
  Following the 25 October 2021 military coup in Sudan, CIVICUS and partners have released a call on the UN Human Rights Council to convene a special session to address the crisis in the country.
  
  To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (Geneva, Switzerland)
  
  Excellencies,
  
  As violence is increasing in Sudan following the military coup of 25 October 2021 and decisive action is needed to protect the transition, Sudan’s constitutional order, and the human rights of people in Sudan, the UN Human Rights Council has a responsibility to act urgently.
  
  The Council should fulfil its mandate to prevent violations and respond promptly to human rights emergencies by convening a special session and adopting a resolution requesting the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to set up a fact-finding mission to monitor, verify and report on the situation in Sudan with a view to preventing further human rights violations and abuses, identifying perpetrators, and ensuring accountability for these violations and abuses.
  
  Ahead of the 48^thsession of the Human Rights Council (13 September-11 October 2021), 37 civil society organisations (CSOs) highlighted[1] the need for the Council to extend its support to, and scrutiny of, Sudan. The CSOs highlighted that Sudan’s political transition remained incomplete, mentioned ongoing challenges and risks, and urged States to maintain the monitoring and public reporting capacity of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). They wrote: “[T]he Human Rights Council has a responsibility to keep Sudan high on its list of priorities and to contribute to meaningful progress in the country.”
  
  Their call remained unanswered as the Council failed to adopt any Sudan-focused resolution.
  
  Two weeks after the session ended, on 25 October 2021, Sudan’s military forces arrested Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and several civilian figures, including members of the Transitional Government and Transitional Sovereign Council (SC), who were placed under house arrest or taken to unknown locations. At the time of writing, several of them remain held incommunicado or under house arrest. Military elements took control of the national television and key centres of information. They imposed a partial internet shutdown in the country and closed roads, bridges, and the airport in Khartoum.
  
  This military coup occurred one month before the head of the former Transitional Military Council (TMC), General Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, who had since August 2019 been heading the SC, was due to hand over the presidency of the SC to civilian representatives, as per the power-sharing agreement and Constitutional Document of 2019.[2]
  
  General al-Burhan announced a nation-wide state of emergency and the dissolution of the SC and the civilian-led Transitional Government.
  
  He unilaterally announced the suspension of Articles 11, 12, 15, 16, 24-3, 71, and 72 of the Constitutional Document. These articles pertain to the SC, the Transitional Council of Ministers and Cabinet, the Transitional Legislative Council (which was to be constituted), and the TMC. The latter’s dissolution seems to have been annulled, paving the way for military rule.[3]
  
  The coup and military takeover also threaten the implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement for Sudan, which was signed on 3 October 2020 between the Transitional Government and parties to the peace process, including armed groups that were involved in the conflicts that have affected several of Sudan’s regional States in the last three decades.
  
  General al-Burhan sought to justify the illegal takeover by blaming “political infighting” within civilian bodies and groups, including the Transitional Government and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), the coalition that brings together the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), civic groups, and political parties that signed the Declaration on Freedom and Change of January 2019 and led the peaceful popular revolution of 2018-2019 that led to the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir, in April 2019, and the political transition. General al-Burhan even asserted that the army had ousted the government to avoid a “civil war.”[4]
  
  * * * * * * * * *
  
  Immediately after the coup was reported, and despite restrictions on communications, protesters peacefully took to the streets to denounce the military’s illegal actions and demand the reinstatement of the government and a transition to civilian rule. The SPA called for strikes and civil disobedience. Protesters erected barricades in the streets. Soldiers opened fire on crowds and reportedly killed at least ten people and injured dozens. Arrests have been reported.[5]
  
  These acts demonstrate the armed and security forces’ lack of commitment to a democratic transition to civilian rule and their determination to consolidate control, including by using violence. The 25 October 2021 military coup followed a reported coup attempt on 21 September 2021, which “the military blamed on a cadre of Bashir-allied Islamists but which several diplomats described […] as a trial balloon,” as tensions were growing within the SC.[6]
  
  Fears of a full-fledged, bloody crackdown are mounting. These fears are made credible by the illegal actions of the reconstituted TMC, the history of violence and abuse that characterises Sudan’s armed and security forces, including the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and the current context, including restrictions on communications, which are reminiscent of the shutdown that was imposed following the atrocities committed on 3 June 2019 (known as the “Khartoum massacre”[7]).
  
  While the total number of arrests made is unknown, it is likely to increase after the release of the present letter. Human rights defenders (HRDs), protest organisers, journalists, and independent voices, in particular women human rights defenders (WHRDs), women journalists, and women and girls protesting the coup, are at a heightened risk of being subjected to violations and abuses. These include arbitrary arrests, the use of unwarranted and lethal force, beatings, ill-treatment and torture, and sexual and gender-based violence, as was the case during the Khartoum massacre.[8]
  
  * * * * * * * * *
  
  The coup has drawn condemnation. States, including partners of Sudan, condemned it as a betrayal of the transition, demanded the release of political leaders, and urged full observance for the Constitutional Document and the reinstatement of transitional institutions.[9]
  
  The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), of which Sudan is a Member, issued a statement in which its Executive Secretary, Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu, said he was “alarmed by the current political developments.” He “strongly condemn[ed] any attempt to undermine the transitional government” and called for the “immediate release” of all arrested political leaders.[10]
  
  The Arab League expressed “deep concern” about the military coup. The organisation’s Secretary-General urged all parties to “fully abide” by the Constitutional Declaration signed in August 2019.[11]
  
  The Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, who learned “with deep dismay of the serious development of the current situation in Sudan,” called “for the immediate resumption of consultations between civilians and military” and reaffirmed that “dialogue and consensus is the only relevant path to save the country and its democratic transition.” He further called “for the release of all arrested political leaders and the necessary strict respect of human rights.”[12] However, despite the Lomé Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government,[13] he did not convey a “clear and unequivocal warning to the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change that, under no circumstances, will their illegal action be tolerated or recognized by the [AU].”
  
  The AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) met on 26 October 2021. The following day, it released a communiqué[14] in which it “strongly condemn[ed] the seizure of power by the Sudanese military on 25 October 2021 and the dissolution of the Transitional Government, and totally reject[ed] the unconstitutional change of government, as unacceptable and an affront to the shared values and democratic norms of the AU.” It decided to “suspend, with immediate effect, the participation of the Republic of Sudan in all AU activities until the effective restoration of the civilian-led Transitional Authority.”
  
  While this is a positive step, more needs to be done to stop military rule and protect the transition, Sudan’s constitutional order, and the human rights of people in Sudan. As repression increases, AU mediation efforts and Human Rights Council action are not mutually exclusive but complementary.
  
  The UN Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, “strongly condemn[ed] the ongoing military coup d’état in Khartoum and all actions that could jeopardize Sudan’s political transition and stability.” He called for the immediate reconstitution of the governing arrangements provided for under the Constitutional Document.” He referred to the “unlawful detention” of the Prime Minister, government officials and politicians as “unacceptable” and called for the immediate release of those detained arbitrarily. He added: “Any attempts to undermine this transition process puts at risk Sudan’s security, stability and development.”[15]
  
  The Special Representative for Sudan and Head of the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS), Mr. Volker Perthes, said he was “deeply concerned about reports of an ongoing coup and attempts to undermine Sudan’s political transition.” He “called on the security forces to immediately release those who have been unlawfully detained or placed under house arrest” and urged an “[immediate] return to dialogue and [engagement] in good faith to restore the constitutional order.”[16]
  
  For her part, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms. Michelle Bachelet, “strongly condemn[ed] [the] military coup in Sudan and the declaration of a nationwide state of emergency, the suspension of key articles of the Constitutional Document and the governing bodies.” She reminded “military and security forces to refrain from unnecessary and disproportionate use of force, to respect people’s freedom of expression, as well as the right of peaceful assembly.” She added: “It would be disastrous if Sudan goes backwards after finally bringing an end to decades of repressive dictatorship.”[17]
  
  On 26 October, the UN Security Council met behind closed doors to discuss the crisis. It failed to adopt a resolution to unequivocally condemn the military coup, or even to release a statement.
  
  * * * * * * * * *
  
  In this context, the Human Rights Council cannot afford to stay silent or wait for its next regular session, which is due to open on 25 February 2022, to act.
  
  It should make clear that the TMC cannot be considered a legitimate partner; strongly condemn the military coup; urge full respect for the Constitutional Document and the reinstatement of transitional institutions; call for an immediate stop to the violence against protesters; demand a release of all political prisoners; and demand accountability for the human rights violations and abuses committed.
  
  The Human Rights Council should fulfil its mandate to prevent violations and respond promptly to human rights emergencies, convene a special session, and request the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to set up a fact-finding mission to monitor, verify and report on the situation in Sudan with a view to preventing further human rights violations and abuses, identifying perpetrators, and ensuring accountability for these violations and abuses.
  
  The report of the fact-finding mission should be shared with the UN Security Council. The Human Rights Council should further ensure that the High Commissioner publicly and regularly reports on the human rights situation in Sudan, relying on both in-house expertise and the work of the OHCHR country office in Sudan, and it should hold interactive dialogues on the human rights situation in Sudan twice a year.
  
  We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.
  
  Sincerely,
  1. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS)
  2. AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
  3. African Initiative for Peacebuilding, Advocacy and Advancement (AfriPeace)
  4. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
  5. Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR)
  6. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  7. CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide)
  8. Darfur and Beyond
  9. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
  10. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
  11. Global Rights
  12. Human Rights and Peace Centre (HURIPEC)
  13. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
  14. International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI)
  15. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
  16. Justice Center for Advocacy and Legal Consultations
  17. Kamma Organization for Development Initiatives (KODI)
  18. Kenya Human Rights Commission
  19. Kongamano La Mapinduzi
  20. Lawyers for Justice Sudan
  21. Mouvement Inamahoro
  22. Never Again Coalition
  23. PAX
  24. Physicians for Human Rights
  25. REDRESS
  26. Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS)
  27. The Sentry
  28. Skills for Nuba Mountains
  29. Sudan Archives
  30. Sudan Human Rights Hub
  31. Sudan Unlimited
  32. Victims Advocates International
  33. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
  [1] DefendDefenders et al., “The Human Rights Council should extend its support to, and scrutiny of, Sudan,” 10 September 2021 (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [2] For background, see DefendDefenders et al., “Sudan: ensuring a credible response by the UN Human Rights Council,” 3 September 2019, (and Annex) (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [3] Al Jazeera, “Sudan coup: Which constitutional articles have been suspended?” 26 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [4] France 24, “Sudan’s Burhan says army ousted government to avoid civil war,” 26 October 2021, (accessed on 27 October 2021).
  
  [5] Al Jazeera, “‘No to army rule’: Pro-democracy protesters take to Sudan streets,” 27 October 2021; BBC News, “Sudan coup: Why the army is gambling with the future,” 27 October 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-59050473 (both accessed on 27 October 2021).
  
  [6] International Crisis Group, “Reversing Sudan’s Dangerous Coup,” 26 October 2021. See also BBC News, “Killings of Peaceful Sudanese Democracy Protesters Demand Accountability: Urgent International Action Needed to Prevent Further Violence,” 21 September 2021, (both accessed on 27 October 2021).
  
  [7] See previous civil society letters on Sudan, in particular International Refugee Rights Initiative et al., “Killings of Peaceful Sudanese Democracy Protesters Demand Accountability: Urgent International Action Needed to Prevent Further Violence ,” 6 June 2019, ; DefendDefenders et al., “Sudan: ensuring a credible response by the UN Human Rights Council,” 3 September 2019, (and Annex); DefendDefenders et al., “The Human Rights Council should support human rights reforms in Sudan,” 9 September 2020, (all accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [8] Human Rights Watch, “‘They Were Shouting ‘Kill Them’: Sudan’s Violent Crackdown on Protesters in Khartoum,” 17 November 2019, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [9] For a comprehensive list of responses by Governments and intergovernmental organizations to the military coup, see Sudan Unlimited, “World Unites with the People of Sudan and Against #SudanCoup,” (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [10] “IGAD Statement On The Current Political Development In Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [11] Asharq al-Awsat, “Arab League Expresses ‘Deep Concern’ over Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [12] “Statement of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission on the situation in Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [13] AU PSC, “Declaration on the Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government” (AHG/Decl.5 (XXXVI)), 10-12 July 2000, (accessed on 25 October 2021).
  
  [14] “Communiqué of the 1041^st meeting of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union held on 26 October 2021 on the Situation in Sudan,” 27 October 2021, (accessed on 27 October 2021).
  
  [15] “Statement attributable to the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General - on Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [16] “SRSG Statement about Reports of an Ongoing Coup and Attempts to Undermine Sudan’s Political Transition,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  [17] “Statement by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on the coup d’état in Sudan,” 25 October 2021, (accessed on 26 October 2021).
  
  Civic space in Sudan is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor.
70. Sudan: Urgently convene a special session and establish an investigative mechanism
  TO PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES OF MEMBER AND OBSERVER STATES OF THE UNITED NATIONS (UN) HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL (GENEVA, SWITZERLAND)
  
  Excellencies, In light of the unfolding human rights crisis in Sudan, and notwithstanding efforts to stop the fighting by the African Union (AU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and other regional and international actors, we, the undersigned non-governmental organisations, are writing to urge your delegation to address the human rights dimensions of the crisis by supporting the convening of a special session of the UN Human Rights Council.
  
  In line with the Council’s mandate to prevent violations and to respond promptly to human rights emergencies, States have a responsibility to act by convening a special session and establishing an investigative and accountability mechanism addressing all alleged human rights violations and abuses in Sudan.
  
  We urge your delegation to support the adoption of a resolution that requests the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to urgently organize an independent mechanism to investigate human rights violations and advance accountability in Sudan, whose work would complement the work of the designated Expert on Sudan.
  
  * * *
  
  On 15 April 2023, explosions and gunfire were heard as violence erupted in Khartoum and other Sudanese cities between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) led by Sudan’s current head of state as Chairperson of the Sovereign Council (SC), General Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, and a paramilitary group, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also known as “Hemedti”).
  
  As of 25 April 2023, at midnight, a 72-hour ceasefire has been announced. The death toll, however, is estimated at over 400 civilians, with thousands injured. Actual figures are likely to be much higher as most of Khartoum’s hospitals have been forced to close and civilians injured during the crossfire cannot be rescued. Millions of residents are trapped in their homes, running out of water, food and medical supplies as electricity is cut and violence is raging in the streets of Khartoum. Banks have been closed and mobile money services severely restricted, which limits access to cash, including salary and remittances. Diplomats and humanitarians have been attacked. The fighting has spread to other cities and regions, including Darfur, threatening to escalate into full-blown conflict.
  
  In a Communiqué, the AU Peace and Security Council noted “with grave concern and alarm the deadly clashes […], which have reached a dangerous level and could escalate into a full-blown conflict,” “strongly condemned the ongoing armed confrontation” and called for “an immediate ceasefire by the two parties without conditions, in the supreme interest of Sudan and its people in order to avoid further bloodshed and harm to […] civilians.”
  
  * * *
  
  In light of these developments, we urge your delegation to support the adoption, during a special session on the unfolding human rights crisis in Sudan, of a resolution that, among other actions:
  - Requests the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to urgently organize on the most expeditious basis possible an independent investigative mechanism, comprising three existing international and regional human rights experts, for a period of one year, renewable as necessary, and complementing, consolidating and building upon the work of the designated Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan and the country office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, with the following mandate:
    
    To undertake a thorough investigation into alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law and violations of international humanitarian law and related crimes committed by all parties in Sudan since 25 October 2021, including on their possible gender dimensions, their extent, and whether they may constitute international crimes, with a view to preventing a further deterioration of the human rights situation;
    
    To establish the facts, circumstances and root causes of any such violations and abuses, to collect, consolidate, analyze and preserve documentation and evidence, and to identify, where possible, those individuals and entities responsible;
    
    To make such information accessible and usable in support of ongoing and future accountability efforts, and to formulate recommendations on steps to be taken to guarantee that the authors of these violations and abuses are held accountable for their acts and to end the cycle of impunity in Sudan;
    
    To provide guidance on justice, including criminal accountability, reparations, and guarantees of non-recurrence;
    
    To integrate a gender perspective and a survivor-centred approach throughout its work;
    
    To engage with Sudanese parties and all other stakeholders, in particular United Nations agencies, civil society, refugees, the designated Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan, the field presence of the Office of the High Commissioner in Sudan, African Union bodies and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, in order to provide the support and expertise for the immediate improvement of the situation of human rights and the fight against impunity; and
    
    To ensure the complementarity and coordination of this effort with other efforts of the United Nations, the African Union and other appropriate regional and international entities, drawing on the expertise of, inter alia, the African Union and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to the extent practicable;
    
    Decides to enhance the interactive dialogue on the situation of human rights in the Sudan, called for by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 50/1, at its 53rd session so as to include the participation of other stakeholders, in particular representatives of the African Union, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and civil society;
    
    Requests the independent investigative mechanism to present an oral briefing to the Human Rights Council at its 54th and 55th sessions, and a comprehensive written report at its 56th session, and to present its report to the General Assembly and other relevant international bodies; and
    
    Requests the Secretary-General to provide all the resources and expertise necessary to enable the Office of the High Commissioner to provide such administrative, technical and logistical support as is required to implement the provisions of the present resolution, in particular in the areas of fact-finding, legal analysis and evidence-collection, including regarding sexual and gender-based violence and specialized ballistic and forensic expertise.
  We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.
  
  Sincerely,
  
  First signatories (as of 26 April 2023):
  1. Act for Sudan
  2. Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture in the Central African Republic (ACAT-RCA)
  3. African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS)
  4. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies (ACJPS)
  5. AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network)
  6. Algerian Human Rights Network (Réseau Algérien des Droits de l’Homme)
  7. Amnesty International
  8. Angolan Human Rights Defenders Coalition
  9. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  10. Atrocities Watch Africa (AWA)
  11. Beam Reports – Sudan
  12. Belarusian Helsinki Committee
  13. Burkinabè Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CBDDH)
  14. Burundian Coalition of Human Rights Defenders (CBDDH)
  15. Cabo Verdean Network of Human Rights Defenders (RECADDH)
  16. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
  17. Cameroon Women’s Peace Movement (CAWOPEM)
  18. Central African Network of Human Rights Defenders (REDHAC)
  19. Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) – Mozambique
  20. Centre de Formation et de Documentation sur les Droits de l’Homme (CDFDH) – Togo
  21. CIVICUS
  22. Coalition of Human Rights Defenders-Benin (CDDH-Bénin)
  23. Collectif Urgence Darfour
  24. CSW (Christian Solidarity Worldwide)
  25. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
  26. EEPA – Europe External Programme with Africa
  27. Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Center (EHRDC)
  28. FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights)
  29. Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile (FORSC) – Burundi
  30. Gender Centre for Empowering Development (GenCED) – Ghana
  31. Gisa Group – Sudan
  32. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
  33. Horn of Africa Civil Society Forum (HoA Forum)
  34. Human Rights Defenders Coalition Malawi
  35. Human Rights Defenders Network – Sierra Leone
  36. Human Rights House Foundation
  37. Institut des Médias pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme (IM2DH) – Togo
  38. International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI)
  39. International Commission of Jurists
  40. International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI)
  41. International Service for Human Rights
  42. Ivorian Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CIDDH)
  43. Jews Against Genocide
  44. Journalists for Human Rights (JHR) – Sudan
  45. Justice Africa Sudan
  46. Justice Center for Advocacy and Legal Consultations – Sudan
  47. Libyan Human Rights Clinic (LHRC)
  48. Malian Coalition of Human Rights Defenders (COMADDH)
  49. MENA Rights Group
  50. Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network (MozambiqueDefenders – RMDDH)
  51. NANHRI – Network of African National Human Rights Institutions
  52. National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders – Kenya
  53. National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders – Somalia
  54. National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders-Uganda (NCHRD-U)
  55. Network of Human Rights Journalists (NHRJ) – The Gambia
  56. Network of the Independent Commission for Human Rights in North Africa (CIDH Africa)
  57. Never Again Coalition
  58. Nigerien Human Rights Defenders Network (RNDDH)
  59. Pathways for Women’s Empowerment and Development (PaWED) – Cameroon
  60. PAX Netherlands
  61. PEN Belarus
  62. Physicians for Human Rights
  63. POS Foundation – Ghana
  64. Project Expedite Justice
  65. Protection International Africa
  66. REDRESS
  67. Regional Centre for Training and Development of Civil Society (RCDCS) – Sudan
  68. Réseau des Citoyens Probes (RCP) – Burundi
  69. Rights Georgia
  70. Rights for Peace
  71. Rights Realization Centre (RRC) – United Kingdom
  72. Salam for Democracy and Human Rights
  73. Society for Threatened Peoples
  74. Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (Southern Defenders)
  75. South Sudan Human Rights Defenders Network (SSHRDN)
  76. Sudanese American Medical Association (SAMA)
  77. Sudanese American Public Affairs Association (SAPAA)
  78. Sudanese Women Rights Action
  79. Sudan Human Rights Hub
  80. Sudan NextGen Organization (SNG)
  81. Sudan Social Development Organisation
  82. Sudan Unlimited
  83. SUDO UK
  84. Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC)
  85. The Institute for Social Accountability (TISA)
  86. Togolese Human Rights Defenders Coalition (CTDDH)
  87. Tunisian League for Human Rights (LTDH)
  88. Waging Peace
  89. World Council of Churches
  90. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
  91. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
  ANNEX: KEY HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES IN SUDAN, PRE-15 APRIL 2023
  
  Sudan’s human rights situation has been of utmost concern for decades. In successive letters to Permanent Missions to the UN Human Rights Council, Sudanese and international civil society groups highlighted outstanding human rights concerns dating back to the pre-2019 era, including near-complete impunity for grave human rights violations and abuses, some of which amounting to crimes under international law.
  
  Civil society organisations also attempted to draw attention to post-2019 human rights issues, including the brutal crackdown on peaceful protesters during and after the 2018-2019 popular protests and after the military coup of 25 October 2021. They repeatedly called for ongoing multilateral action, stressing that as the UN’s top human rights body, the Council had a responsibility to ensure scrutiny of Sudan’s human rights situation and to support the Sudanese people’s demands for freedom, justice, and peace.
  
  During a special session held on 5 November 2021, the Council adopted a resolution requesting the High Commissioner to designate an Expert on Human Rights in the Sudan. As per resolution S-32/1, which was adopted by consensus, the Expert’s mandate will be ongoing “until the restoration of [Sudan’s] civilian-led Government.” As per Council resolution 50/1, also adopted by consensus, in July 2022, the Council requested the presentation of written reports and the holding of additional debates on Sudan’s human rights situation.
  
  The violence that erupted on 15 April 2023, which resulted from persisting disagreements regarding security and military reforms and unaddressed issues of accountability of security forces and lack of security sector reform, came against a backdrop of severe restrictions on human rights and fundamental freedoms.
  
  Observers’ and civil society actors’ fears of a deterioration of the situation, immediately prior to 15 April 2023, including in the form of an intensified crackdown on peaceful protesters in Khartoum and violence in the capital and in the conflict areas of Darfur, Blue Nile, and South Kordofan, as well as in Eastern Sudan, were well founded. These fears were made credible by the history of violence and abuse that characterises Sudan’s armed and security forces, including the SAF, the RSF, and the General Intelligence Service (GIS) (the new name of the infamous National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS)).
  
  Since the 25 October 2021 coup, de facto authorities systematically used excessive and sometimes lethal force, as well as arbitrary detention to crack down on public assemblies. The situation was particularly dire for women and girls, who face discriminatory laws, policies, and practices, as well as sexual and gender-based violence, including rape and the threat of rape in relation to protests and conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan’s conflict areas.
  
  National investigative bodies, such as the committee set up to investigate the 3 June 2019 massacre in Khartoum, had failed to publish any findings or identify any perpetrators.
  
  The situation in Darfur, 20 years after armed conflict broke out between the Sudanese government and rebel groups, remained particularly concerning. Intercommunal and localised violence in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile had escalated since October 2021, resulting in civilian casualties, destruction of property and human rights violations. Emergency laws and regulations remained in place, stifling the work of independent actors. In Blue Nile State, fighting had increased in scope and expanded to new areas.
  
  Cruel, inhuman and degrading punishments that were common in the Al-Bashir regime were still being handed out by the courts of laws. Throughout the country, the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC) continued to unduly restrict the operations of civil society organisations, including through burdensome registration and re-registration requirements, restrictions to movement, and surveillance.
  
  These added to long-standing, unaddressed human rights issues UN actors, experts, and independent human rights organisations identified during the three decades of the Al-Bashir regime. Among these issues, impunity for grave human rights violations and abuses remains near-complete.
  
  As of early April 2023, the country was in a phase of political dialogue. On 5 December 2022, the Sudanese military and civilian representatives, including the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), which played a key role in the 2018-2019 revolution, signed a preliminary agreement, known as the Political Framework Agreement. The agreement was supposed to be a first step in paving the way for a comprehensive agreement on the transition, which was supposed to be led by civilians and lead to the holding of elections at the end of a two-year period. The agreement, however, excluded key issues such as justice and accountability. Strong disagreements persisted regarding key security and military reforms. Influential actors, including major political parties and the resistance committees, rejected the deal altogether.
  
  The political stalemate and mounting tensions also threatened the implementation of the Juba Peace Agreement, signed on 3 October 2020 between the then Transitional Government and parties to the peace process, including armed groups that were involved in the conflicts that have affected several of Sudan’s regional States in the last three decades.
71. Supporting grassroots groups better through shifts in resourcing and practices
  By Nosibabalwe Socikwa, Membership and Network Intern.
  
  Having worked in the human rights and social justice space, I have realised the impact of grassroots movements, organisations, and activists and their role in fighting against inequality, oppression, and unmet social, political, economic, or cultural demand. In the face of political power challenges brought by a global economic crisis, there has been a growing network of social movements, organisations, groups, and activists collectively coming together to fight against the power dynamics that often threaten their fundamental human rights.
  
  However, despite their efforts in fighting against these injustices, they often lack funds to catalyse their growth. These grassroots groups and movements are often unregistered and have limited capacity in comparison to large and established civil society organisations. The grant-making system that supports civil society is built in a way that excludes these types of group, as they are unable to comply with donors’ bureaucratic and sometimes illogical eligibility requirements to access resources and funding.
  
  Such donor requirements include being formally registered, providing financial audits, Monitorig, Learning and Evaluation plans and/ or recommendation letters. This is near impossible for informal or small groups that perhaps are in their starting stage and have limited capacity and resources. These groups face challenges to secure funding and tend to have a short lifespan, thus limiting their potential to drive for locally led lasting change.
  
  To continue functioning, some groups rely on personal contributions from the communities they serve, who are closer to the problem and understand the urgency of a solution. Of course, this furthers their disappointment with donors. It is counterproductive, unfair and reinforces colonial thinking that donors continue to undermine local communities' work by excluding them from accessing urgent resources. It also enforces power dynamics and promotes donor-driven projects that have no standing to represent and reflect the grassroots groups' struggles. Grassroots groups must determine their destinies, lead their own paths towards development, and participate in decision-making. However, the current support system for civil society makes it difficult for grassroots groups to sustainably thrive.
  
  We need an urgent shift in how grant-making strategies for grassroots groups are designed and implemented to achieve social justice. To achieve social justice for all, no one must be left behind, so it is crucial for donors and grantees, together, to transform the grant-making space with more collaborate and meaningful relationships and support practices.
  
  The CIVICUS Solidarity Fund (CSF) is one of the initiatives I have learnt about, through my internship at CIVICUS, that has undergone such a transformation. Recently, the CSF put its grant application process under review because it was not as accessible and inclusive as they thought it was. The CSF team decided to look inward, listen to their grantee-members, understand the costs and barriers they face when applying for their grants, and make some changes to make the CSF more accessible. This process involved redesigning the application, reporting, monitoring, and learning processes by considering the power relations at play, limited financial and non-financial resources available to grassroots groups, and thinking of new ways to avoid propagating the culture of competition. Through this transformation, the CIVICUS Solidarity Fund team learnt that building relationships and trust with its grantee-members is very important to the grantees.
  
  I hope to see the CSF improve even more and inspire and empower others who are resourcing grassroots groups. Donors and grantees need to build friendly relationships based on trust and respect to maintain civil society's long-term longevity and development.
72. SWITZERLAND: ‘It was about time for everybody to have the same rights, with no discrimination’
  CIVICUS speaks with Reto Wyss,International Affairs Officer of Pink Cross, about the recentreferendum on same-sex marriage in Switzerland and the challenges ahead.
  
  Pink Cross is Switzerland’s national umbrella organisation of gay and bisexual men, and for 28 years it has advocated for their rights in the country’s four language regions. It stands against discrimination, prejudice and violence based on sexual orientation, gender identity and HIV status, and strives for acceptance and equal rights for all queer people on both a national and international level. It conducts its work through an active media presence, advocacy, campaigning and efforts to strengthen the LGBTQI+ community.
  
  What was the process leading to the legalisation of same-sex marriage in Switzerland, and what roles did Pink Cross play?
  
  The same-sex marriage bill was submitted to parliament in 2013 and it went back and forth several times between the two legislative chambers until it was finally passed in December 2020. Pink Cross did intensive and quite traditional advocacy, lobbying and public campaigning all along the process.
  
  We talked a lot with politicians of the conservative-liberal Free Democratic Party of Switzerland as well as the Christian Democratic People’s Party of Switzerland. We ordered a legal opinion that clearly stated that, contrary to what opponents of the law said, there was no need to change the Swiss Constitution to open marriage to all people. If that had been the case, the legalisation of same-sex marriage would have required a positive popular vote in the majority of the Swiss cantons, which would have made things a lot more complicated.
  
  To enshrine same-sex marriage, all that was needed was a law like the one parliament had passed, amending the Civil Code to extend marriage to all couples beyond those of a man and a woman.
  
  No referendum was necessary: the one held on 26 September was an optional referendum launched by opponents of the law, who intended to show that parliament’s decision was not welcome by the Swiss people and overturn it. To have this referendum called, they campaigned actively to gather the 50,000 signatures required. LGBTQI+ organisations would have been largely pleased with letting the decision made by parliament stand, rather than asking everybody whether they agreed with granting us the same rights as everyone else.
  
  The civil society campaign was officially launched on 27 June, with events in 23 towns and villages across Switzerland. Over the following 100 days, the queer community mobilised around the country with dozens of actions to demand the right to equality. The campaign was supported by several LGBTQI+ organisations, including Pink Cross, the Swiss Organisation of Lesbians-LOS, Network-Gay Leadership, WyberNet-Gay Professional Women, Rainbow Families and Fédération Romande des Associations LGBTIQ+.
  
  We wanted to gain as much visibility as possible, so we campaigned with thousands of rainbow flags hanging out of balconies throughout the country and posted many great videos online. This was a very broad grassroots campaign with many activists taking part in it, both online and in person. Our main message was that the same rights must be recognised for everybody, with no discrimination, and that in Switzerland it was about time.
  
  Who campaigned for and against same-sex marriage in the run-up to the vote? How did groups opposed to same-sex marriage mobilise?
  
  Leftist and liberal parties and organisations campaigned in favour of the law, while the right-wing populist Swiss People’s Party – although not all of its elected representatives – campaigned against it, along with a whole bunch of conservative and clerical organisations, including the rather small Evangelical People’s Party. The Catholic Church was against the law, although not all of its representatives or institutions had the same position. The Protestant Church backed the law, although not unanimously.
  
  Mobilisation against the law took place mainly in the countryside and – obviously – online. Their arguments were mostly about the alleged well-being of children, and focused on the fact that the law allowed same-sex married couples access to adoption and conception through sperm donation.
  
  What will be the immediate effects of the new law?
  
  On 26 September, by 64 per cent of the vote, the Swiss people expressed their agreement with the law granting equal marriage for all. The law will come into force on 1 July 2022 and will have very important and immediate practical effects, because the legal status of marriage has several important differences from the registered partnership (RP) regime already available to same-sex couples.
  
  The recognition of marriage to all couples will eliminate the inequalities in legal treatment that still exist regarding facilitated naturalisation, joint adoption, joint property, access to medically assisted reproduction and legal recognition of parent-child relationships in cases of medically assisted reproduction.
  
  If they want to be recognised as legally married, same-sex couples currently in RPs will have to apply for the conversion of their RP into legal marriage at the registry office by means of a so-called ‘simplified declaration’, which won’t carry excessive costs, although the exact procedure is yet to be determined and may vary from one canton to the next.
  
  Those who were married abroad but whose marriage was recognised in Switzerland as an RP will have their RP automatically and retroactively converted into marriage.
  
  What other challenges do LGBTQI+ people in Switzerland face, and what else needs to change to advance LGBTQI+ rights?
  
  A lot remains to be done in terms of preventing, registering and convicting hate crimes adequately. Pink Cross is currently advancing this issue in all cantons, because this is within their jurisdiction. Likewise, we are preparing a first ‘precedent’ to get a ruling on the ‘anti-LGBT agitation’ paragraph that was introduced into criminal law last year.
  
  Finally, institutional anchorage of LGBTQI+ advocacy definitely still needs to be strengthened on a national level, specifically within the federal administration, either through a specific commission or by extending the mandate of the Federal Office for Gender Equality. So we are also working to move ahead on this.
  
  Civic space in Switzerland is rated ‘open’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
  Get in touch with Pink Cross through itswebsite or itsFacebook andInstagram pages, and follow@pinkcross_ch on Twitter.
73. SWITZERLAND: ‘The victory of marriage equality will boost our efforts towards the next steps’
  CIVICUS speaks with Jessica Zuber, co-leader of Operation Libero’s marriage for all campaign, about the recentreferendum on same-sex marriage in Switzerland. Operation Libero is a non-partisan civil society movement founded to campaign against populist initiatives. Its work focuses on preserving and developing liberal democracy, fostering strong relations between Switzerland and Europe, promoting a liberal citizenship law, supporting a democracy-strengthening digital transformation and encouraging more transparent, accountable and inclusive politics.
  
  What role did Operation Libero play in the process leading to the recent legalisation of same-sex marriage?
  
  Since its foundation, Operation Libero has fought for equal legal treatment. We accompanied the parliamentary process and lobbied so that the law was passed, which happened in December 2020, after almost seven years. A couple of days before the opponents of the law handed in their referendum request, we pushed our ongoing petition, which went viral and received over 60,000 online signatures within a single weekend. To us, that was a very strong signal on the state of public opinion.
  
  We launched our campaign six weeks before the vote. It focused on the motto ‘same love, same rights’. Our campaign complemented that of the ‘official’ committee led by the LGBTQI+ community, showing real same-sex couples on their posters. To set ourselves apart and appeal to a more conservative target, we showed same-sex couples alongside heterosexual couples.
  
  For the launch of our campaign, we staged a marriage and the pictures of this ceremony provided the visuals for media coverage during the campaign. Some of our main concepts were that fundamental rights must apply to all people, and that no one loses when love wins. It was a feel-good campaign, as we intentionally refrained from being too controversial – for instance, by highlighting that homophobia is still a phenomenon very present in Swiss society.
  
  During the campaign, around 150,000 of our flyers were handed out, 13,000 coasters ordered and 10,000 stickers distributed. Our main financial income to pay for this was the sale of our special socks, of which we sold almost 10,000 pairs. We organised boot camps to prepare voters for debates and launched a poster campaign in train stations and public buses. The joint flyer distribution event with members of the right-wing populist party – who, against the official party line, supported marriage for all – attracted media attention and succeeded in showing how broad support for the law was.
  
  Last but not least, a week before the vote we held an event where 400 people lined up on either side to applaud newlywed couples – same-sex and different-sex – as they ran through. This was a very inspiring event, the biggest of its kind in Switzerland.
  
  We are very happy that we won the referendum with 64 per cent of voters supporting the law. September 26th marks a big step for Switzerland: after far too long a wait, access to marriage finally applies to all couples, regardless of gender or sexual orientation. This eliminates key legal inequalities for same-sex couples, for example in facilitated naturalisation, the receipt of widows’ pensions, adoption and reproductive medicine.
  
  Why was a referendum called after parliament had already legalised same-sex marriage?
  
  Opponents of the law launched the referendum to try to overturn it. Their arguments were centred on the traditional view of marriage as a ‘natural’ union between a man and a woman and its centrality in society. They said that ‘introducing universal marriage is a social and political rupture that nullifies the historic definition of marriage, understood as a lasting union between a man and a woman’. They were particularly upset by the fact that the law enables access to sperm donation for female couples, as they believe this forfeits the best interests of the child. They also feared that these changes would lead to the legalisation of surrogacy.
  
  On a more technical level, they argued that universal marriage could not be introduced through a simple legislative amendment, but required a change to the constitution.
  
  Who were on the ‘yes’ and ‘no’ sides in the referendum?
  
  After parliament passed the law, a cross-party committee – mainly comprising representatives of the right-wing Swiss People’s Party and the Federal Democratic Union, an ultra-conservative Christian party – launched a petition for a referendum. They successfully gathered more than 50,000 signatures necessary to push their proposal through and get a national vote. The right to veto a parliamentary decision is part of the Swiss system of direct democracy.
  
  During the campaign, these groups put out campaign posters and online ads and participated in public media discussions. Their main argument was that children’s well-being was in danger, so they put the focus of the public debate on adoption and reproductive rights.
  
  Fortunately, civil marriage for same-sex couples enjoys widespread political support, as seen on 26 September. With the exception of the Swiss People’s Party, all the governing parties supported the bill, as did the Greens and Liberal Greens, who are not in the government.
  
  There was even some openness from religious groups. In November 2019 the Federation of Swiss Protestant Churches spoke out in favour of same-sex civil marriage; however, the Conference of Swiss Bishops and the Swiss Evangelical Network remain opposed to it.
  
  The aggressiveness with which the law granting marriage for all was fought and the fact that about a third of voters rejected it, partly for homophobic reasons, shows that homophobia is still widespread and still far too widely accepted.
  
  We also faced the challenge that as the polls projected a relatively clear victory from the outset, it made it harder for us to mobilise people. Our fear was that people might take victory for granted and not go out to vote. But we were able to reach people with the message that a victory by a wider margin was an even stronger sign for equality in Switzerland.
  
  What other challenges do LGBTQI+ people face in Switzerland, and what else needs to be changed to advance equal rights?
  
  LGBTQI+ groups will continue to fight, notably against hate crimes. Marriage for all does not deliver absolute equality for female couples who receive a sperm donation from a friend or choose a sperm bank abroad, in which cases only the biological mother will be recognised. These debates will still occur, and the LGBTQI+ community will continue to fight for equality.
  
  The clear ‘yes’ to marriage for all is a strong signal that the majority of our society is much more progressive and open towards diverse life choices than our legal system, strongly based on a conservative family model, might suggest. Indeed, marriage for all is just a small step towards adapting the political and legal conditions to the social realities we live in. The ‘yes’ to marriage equality will boost our efforts towards the next steps.
  
  We demand that all consensual forms of relationships and family models – whether same-sex or opposite-sex, married or not – become equally recognised. Marriage, with its long history as a central instrument of patriarchal power, must no longer be considered the standard model. It must not be privileged, either legally or financially, over other forms of cohabitation. In the coming months and years, Operation Libero will campaign for individual taxation, regulated cohabitation, simplified parenthood and a modern sexual criminal law.
  
  Civic space in Switzerland is rated ‘open’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
  Get in touch with Operation Libero through itswebsite or itsFacebook, Tik Tok, andInstagram pages, and follow@operationlibero and@jessicazuber on Twitter.
74. SYRIA: ‘We spread the culture of human rights in a country with one of the world’s worst human rights records’
  CIVICUS speaks about Syria’s ongoing civil war and human rights crisis and its prospects for democratic change with Fadel Abdul Ghany, founder and Executive Director of the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR).
  
  Founded in 2011, SNHR is a human rights civil society organisation (CSO) that works to monitor and document human rights violations, protect victims’ rights and hold perpetrators accountable, promoting the conditions for transitional justice and democratic change.
  
  What is the current security situation in Syria?
  
  We have a team of approximately 22 people in Syria that daily monitors and documents human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, torture and forced displacement. We have published daily reports on the civilian death toll for a decade. In September 2023, 55 civilians, including 12 children, were killed. Ninety-seven were killed in August, 55 in July and 42 in June. In the first half of 2023, 501 civilians lost their lives due to the ongoing conflict. Our monthly reports also cover arbitrary arrests, with 223 cases reported in August and 204 in September.
  
  We document crimes committed by all armed groups involved in the conflict, categorising them by perpetrator. From March 2011 to June 2023, a total of 230,465 civilian deaths were reported, with over 87 per cent attributed to Syrian regime forces and Iranian militias, three per cent to Russian forces and two per cent to ISIS. Based on our reporting and news of grave and pervasive violations no territory in Syria can be considered safe or secure.
  
  What are the working conditions for your colleagues in Syria?
  
  We consider ourselves on the frontline because we document violations on the ground and identify perpetrators. Our team operates discreetly in Syria, either from the office or from their homes using fantasy names. We safeguard their identities for security reasons. Their safety is more important than any documentation.
  
  Our team faces intense pressure, and if arbitrarily arrested, they risk severe torture by the regime led by Bashar al-Assad or other parties. We do our best to protect and provide security education to our staff. Our IT infrastructure is highly secure, and we’ve implemented measures to thwart cyber-attacks, which have included Russian attempts to hack our website.
  
  What’s the situation for Syrian refugees?
  
  Many Syrians aren’t safe in other countries either. In Lebanon and Turkey, refugees face the risk of forced return to Syria in violation of international law, specifically the 1951 Refugee Convention. Conditions are dire, with Syrians often blamed for economic hardship in host countries, even though Lebanon and Turkey receive substantial funding from the European Union and other donors to welcome refugees.
  
  The feeling of insecurity and lack of proper protection in neighbouring countries, which host over 70 per cent of refugees, drive Syrians towards-called ‘death boats’ to seek safety elsewhere in Europe. The international community should better distribute the responsibility of welcoming refugees, because the current allocation isn’t fair.
  
  What should the international community do to address Syria’s dire human rights and humanitarian situation?
  
  The international community must intensify efforts to achieve a political transition and end Syria’s 13-year-long conflict, which is taking a lot of lives and causing immense suffering, with widespread torture and forced displacement of half the Syrian population. Any prospect of political transition has been absent due to insufficient international pressure on all parties in the conflict, and particularly on the Assad regime, leaving the Syrian people and the conflict largely neglected.
  
  The international community must actively support efforts to fight impunity. The Assad regime has got away with numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity. There should be a collective effort to bring justice. If accountability is to be achieved, it also requires a political transition leading to the establishment of independent local courts.
  
  Chinese and Russian veto power at the United Nations Security Council obstructs the referral of war crimes to the International Criminal Court. With limited universal jurisdiction, only 27 sentences have been issued in Germany and other countries against Syrian war criminals, mostly from non-state terrorist groups such as Al-Nusra or ISIS.
  
  True accountability requires dismantling the Assad regime, the Syrian National Army, the Syrian Democratic Forces, the Islamist organisation of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham and other non-elected entities ruling Syria through fear.
  
  Aid should be directed to people affected by the recent earthquake and those displaced in northwest and northeast Syria. Continuous assistance is also vital for Middle Eastern states hosting most Syrian refugees. Such comprehensive support on a large scale is essential for advancing the Syrian movement toward democracy.
  
  How is Syrian civil society working for a transition to democracy?
  
  Syrian civil society continues to protest to demand respect for human rights, investigates rights violations and expose perpetrators based on the principle of equality and promote human rights through education. We work hard to spread the culture of human rights in a country with one of the world’s worst human rights records and to get rid of a decades-long dictatorship.
  
  SNHR publishes reports and statements urging a halt to violations and providing recommendations to other states. We conduct in-depth bilateral meetings with various foreign ministries, including those of France, Germany, the Netherlands, the UK and the USA, and convene other high-level meetings. We actively participate in and organise advocacy events. The most recent, held on 21 September, focused on human rights violations and avenues for accountability and was co-hosted by the USA and co-sponsored by France, Germany, Qatar and the UK.
  
  I believe the international community should also provide substantial financial and logistical support to active Syrian CSOs that have played a significant role in the Syrian civil war and have, to some extent, replaced the state.
  
  What has triggered recent protests across Syria?
  
  Since early August, many regime-controlled areas of Syria have witnessed peaceful civil demonstrations. People took to the streets because they felt even more hopeless following Assad’s interview with Sky News Arabia on 9 August. He didn’t apologise nor did he express any willingness to change the way he’s ruling the country. Instead, he said that if he could go back to 2011, he would kill even more people than he did.
  
  There are ongoing protests in areas of northern Syria that aren’t controlled by the regime. Protesters seek to hold the Syrian regime responsible for the worsening economic, social and political conditions. Their calls echo those of the 2011 Arab Spring: they demand an end to family rule and a transition to democracy, freedom of speech, the release of illegally detained people and accountability for perpetrators. Their major message is that Assad must go.
  
  We have monitored and documented multiple vicious methods used by the regime’s security forces to suppress protests, including arrest, torture, enforced disappearances and prosecution of hundreds of protesters. The regime uses its media outlets to slander protesters or anyone criticising it as traitors or collaborators working with foreign entities. The Syrian regime has also attempted to stage counter-demonstrations with loyalists chanting pro-regime slogans and threatening anyone opposing the regime.
  
  Civic space in Syria is rated ‘closed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
  
  Get in touch with SNHR through itswebsite or itsFacebook page, and follow@snhr and@FADELABDULGHANY on Twitter.
75. Syria’s CSO sector and population buckle under humanitarian crisis
  Following the chemical attack in Syria and the subsequent airstrikes on Syria by the United States, United Kingdom and France, CIVICUS interviews a representative of The Arguendo Initiative about the humanitarian crisis and human rights violations taking place in Ghouta, Syria. The objective of the Arguendo Initiative is to enhance collaboration and information sharing to help people create a better and more informed society. The Arguendo Initiative is a member of CIVICUS and expresses concerns over the crisis in Syria and the lack of an adequate response from the international community to address the human rights violations.
76. Syrian civil society not being heard by international donors
  CIVICUS asked Nibal Salloum, program manager at the Syrian peace-building organisation Nuon, about the situation for civil society in Syria and the challenges faced working in a conflict area. Nuon is a Syrian civil society organisation that works on peace building from a human rights approach in Southern Syria and with Syrian refugees in Lebanon.